Golpe Militar en Egipto

Golpe de Estado derroca a Morsi en Egipto
Redacción BBC Mundo 3 julio 2013 Última actualización: 19:54 GMT
Compartir El jefe del Ejército en Egipto, general Abdul

Fattah al Sisi, anunció la suspensión de la Constitución del país y el llamado a elecciones al ser sacado del poder el presidente Mohamed Morsi. El presidente interino del país será desde ahora el jefe de la Corte Constitucional, Adli Mansour, hasta tanto se celebren los nuevos comicios, dijo al Sisi. El general Abdul Fattah al-Sisi dijo que el presidente interino será el jefe de la Corte Constitucional. El Ejército se desplegó en las calles de la capital egipcia, El Cairo, poco después de que expirara el ultimátum que las fuerzas armadas le habían dado al gobierno electo de Morsi 48 horas atrás. Los militares ocuparon la televisión y el portavoz de los Hermanos Musulmanes anunció a través de la red social Twitter que Morsi está bajo arresto domiciliario. Horas antes y también por Twitter, el desplazado presidente calificó la acción de los militares como golpe de Estado. Lea también: La incómoda posición de EE.UU. El general Abdul Fattah al Sisi apareció en la televisión junto al jeque de la institución islámica de Al Azhar, Ahmed al Tayeb, el papa copto, Teodoro II, y el representante de la oposición, Mohamed El Baradei. El plan dado a conocer incluye pasos para administrar Egipto durante una corta etapa interina. Hay marchas a favor y en contra de Morsi y vehículos blindados desplegados cerca de la principal manifestación en favor de Morsi. Las autoridades aeroportuarias dicen que hay una prohibición de viaje para Morsi y los líderes de su partido, los Hermanos Musulmanes. Reuniones El Ejército llevó a cabo intensas conversaciones con los líderes del gobierno y de la oposición. Los miembros del movimiento opositor Tamarod, que ha movilizado a millones de manifestantes a las calles, también fueron parte de las reuniones. De igual forma lo fueron las principales figuras religiosas y el líder opositor Mohamed El Baradei.

Una fuente de la oposición le dijo a Reuters que El Baradei había instado a las fuerzas armadas a intervenir "para detener el derramamiento de sangre". Hay manifestaciones a favor y en contra de Morsi. Corresponsales en las principales manifestaciones a favor de Morsi en El Cairo dicen que hay enfrentamientos entre el Ejército y los manifestantes. En el área de Nasr en la capital, el periodista Kareem Fahim de The New York Times escribió en Twitter que los soldados estaban disparando al aire para dispersar a los manifestantes. Mientras tanto en la Plaza Tahrir la gente celebra la intervención del Ejército y de manera visible -con fuegos artificiales- se nota la algarabía tras los últimos acontecimientos. El Ejército muestra en estos momentos toda su fuerza al tomar control de El Cairo, según informa el corresponsal de la BBC Quentin Sommerville. El periodista asegura que un convoy de vehículos blindados se había movilizado hacia la Universidad de El Cairo donde se estaba llevando a cabo la principal manifestación a favor del derrocado presidente Morsi, e insisten con gritos: "'No' a un régimen militar".

Egypt court confirms Badie death sentence
Court upholds sentences against general guide Mohamed Badie and more than 180 other Muslim Brotherhood figures.
Last updated: 21 Jun 2014 10:14
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Badie was arrested in a crackdown following the military coup in July last year [EPA]

An Egyptian court has confirmed the death sentence against the Muslim Brotherhood's general guide Mohamed Badie and more than 180 others, judicial sources say.

Lawyers said the ruling, which was confirmed on Saturday, can be overturned on appeal.

Badie was one of thousands of Brotherhood figures and supporters arrested in a deadly crackdown following the army's toppling in July of former president Mohamed Morsi, a senior member of the group.

The case against Badie springs from an attack on a police station near the southern city of Minya on August 14, in which one policeman and one civilian were killed.

The attack was carried out in retaliation after police killed hundreds while dispersing a Cairo sit-in by supporters of Morsi.

The Brotherhood has since been labelled a "terror organisation" by Egyptian authorities. Its supporters have held persistent protests against the military-backed government, often resulting in clashes.

In the latest violence, three people were killed during a protest in Cairo on Friday, according to the Health Ministry.

In March, the same court that sentenced Badie to death triggered an international outcry when it handed down the same sentence for 529 alleged Morsi supporters on similar charges.

The judge subsequently upheld 37 of those sentences and commuted the rest to life in prison.

Morsi has been in jail since he was overthrown and is on trial for inciting the killing of opposition protesters in December 2012 outside the presidential palace.

The deposed president also faces charges of espionage in collaboration with the Palestinian movement Hamas.

Egypt defends judicial system
Deputy UN ambassador defends judiciary in face of international outrage over sentencing of Al Jazeera journalists.
Last updated: 26 Jun 2014 00:49
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Egypt has defended its judicial system at the United Nations amid a global outcry over the jailing of Al Jazeera journalists, telling diplomats and reporters that it respects the role of the media and does not consider journalism a crime.

Diplomats from more than 17 countries, including eight members of the UN Security Council, attended the meeting on Wednesday organised by the UN Correspondents Association to show solidarity with the three imprisoned Al Jazeera journalists.

"The Egyptian judicial system is very well-known for providing full guarantees for the defendant", Egypt's deputy UN Ambassador, Osama Abdelkhalek Mahmoud, told the meeting. "I have confidence that the due procedures will be followed and justice will be done in such cases and in all other cases".

Peter Greste and Mohamed Fahmy were jailed on Monday for seven years, while Baher Mohamed was given 10 years . All three denied the charge of working with the now banned Muslim Brotherhood.

The cases sparked global outrage. The United States called for the "chilling, draconian sentences" to be reversed.

Journalism is not a crime

A lot have been let out, but today as we speak there are 14 journalists in jail in Egypt, including the three Al Jazeera journalists -that makes Egypt ... the biggest jailer of journalists in the Arab world, more than Syria

Robert Mahoney, Deputy Director of the Committee to Protect Journalists
A social media campaign pushing for the release of the journalists uses the catchphrase "Journalism is not a crime."

"We fully subscribe to this wording you have used - journalism is not a crime," he said. "We have 1,200 foreign correspondents in Egypt working, none of them were harassed or annoyed ... We highly respect the role played by journalists".

Deputy Director of the Committee to Protect Journalists, Robert Mahoney, said some 67 journalists had been detained in the Egypt since the government of former Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi was ousted in a coup in July.

"A lot have been let out, but today as we speak there are 14 journalists in jail in Egypt, including the three Al Jazeera journalists," he said. "That makes Egypt ... the biggest jailer of journalists in the Arab world, more than Syria."

Newly elected Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said on Tuesday he would not interfere with judicial verdicts.

Former East Timor President Jose Ramos-Horta told the meeting at the United Nations that he believed the situation could be resolved through creative diplomacy.

"Sometimes leaders like President Sisi of Egypt need some way out. They have given a message, their message is heard, now it's time to find a solution satisfactory to everybody," he said.
Source:
Agencies

Two police officers killed in Egypt bomb
Makeshift device exploded as another one was being defused near the presidential palace in Cairo.
Last updated: 30 Jun 2014 13:19

Armed groups have targeted police and soldiers since the ousting of former president Morsi [Reuters]

Two Egyptian police officers have been killed and several others wounded in a small explosion near the presidential palace in Cairo's Heliopolis district, the Interior Ministry has said.

Security forces were defusing one makeshift bomb found at a street intersection near the presidential palace on Monday when a second device exploded, the ministry said in a statement.

The blast came days after the armed group Ajnad Misr, or Soldiers of Egypt, said it had planted a series of bombs in the same area to target security forces. It aborted the mission due to concerns that civilians would be hurt, but was unable to remove the bombs and released a statement urging caution.

The group formally announced itself in January, saying it would target the government after the army ousted elected president Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood last year.

Eight people were hurt in a series of explosions last week on Cairo's metro, the first attacks in the capital since Abdel Fattah el-Sisi became president this month.

Armed groups have targeted police and soldiers with bomb attacks and shootings since Morsi's ousting. Thousands of Brotherhood supporters have been arrested, and hundreds more have been killed.

The Brotherhood denies any link to the violence.
Source:
Reuters
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Steady State
Sisi's Regime Takes Shape
By Steve Negus
July 2, 2014
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Police secure a road during presidential elections in Cairo, May 2014. (Mohamed Abd El Ghany / Courtesy Reuters)



A year after Egypt's military deposed President Mohamed Morsi, a new regime is finally starting to take shape. At its head is the retired field marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the commander who toppled Morsi last year on July 3. He was elected president by 97 percent of the vote in a May election, which, although most likely technically clean, hardly constituted a real contest. After all, the most effective opposition movements had already been crushed.

In various speeches and interviews, Sisi has described his mission as repairing an economy devastated by three years of turmoil, preventing Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood from regrouping, and “restoring the prestige of the Egyptian state.” The last phrase is key. Media and officials have used it repeatedly since 2011 to bemoan popular defiance of authority: activist protests that closed down Cairo for days at a time, labor unrest, attacks on police stations, and street vendors encroaching on government property. Only a state ready to wield power ruthlessly can keep Egypt moving, the logic goes. “He who is afraid cannot govern,” Sisi said at his first cabinet meeting. “There is no place for trembling hands.” The field marshal has elsewhere said that “true democracy” may need to wait 20 to 25 years, and that tourists, vital to the economy, would never come to a country with such out-of-control demonstrations.

THE HIGH AND LOW STATE

Sisi's agenda may be to put the genie of 2011 back in the bottle, but he knows that he must adopt new tools and tactics. Former President Hosni Mubarak controlled Egypt primarily through the police and the ruling National Democratic Party -- what can be called a “low state.” Meanwhile, the military and judiciary remained a “high state,” standing somewhat apart in society. The low state’s job was to coerce and co-opt; over time, both the police and the NDP developed a well-deserved reputation for corruption. In contrast, the high state stayed aloof. The army and the courts were not expected to drum up loyalty for Mubarak among the population -- nor did they necessarily even like him -- but the government protected their prestige regardless, as did laws that effectively criminalized criticism of the military and judiciary. Until recently, moreover, the opposition has been more than willing to prove its patriotic credentials by putting both institutions on a pedestal. The generals and judges were still highly respected when Mubarak fell, managing the transition until the election of Morsi.

Sisi has removed the distinction between high and low government, bringing the army and the judiciary directly into his regime so that they can lend their prestige to his new system and use their supposed incorruptibility to keep other institutions in line. After toppling Morsi, Sisi named Adly Mansour, the head of Egypt's Supreme Constitutional Court, as interim president. Since then, judges, who are supposed to be nonpartisan, have praised Sisi and attacked the Brotherhood. As for the army, it is busy managing much of the incoming financial support from the Gulf. Just one project is a $40 billion contract with the Dubai-based construction firm Arabtec to build a million housing units for the poor.

Despite some of his heavy-handed tactics, Sisi is trying to avoid the label of counterrevolutionary. As weary as most Egyptians are of instability, they still take pride in the fact that they brought down a dictator. Sisi has sworn in every speech that his presidency will be a continuation of both revolutions: the 2011 protests that topped Mubarak and the ones in 2013 that set the stage for his own takeover. For the activists who organized the January 25 demonstrations, many of whom backed the overthrow of Morsi but have since turned against Sisi, this is a cruel joke; the post-July 3 government, in the name of stopping protests, has jailed many of their leaders. But for much of the rest of the public, Sisi's claim to be the heir of that uprising is not so outlandish.

For many, the defining sin of Mubarak's regime was the casual abuse of power by a man who had ruled Egypt for 30 years: the millions in public funds he allegedly embezzled, the petty criminals deployed outside polling stations to ensure his allies’ victory in elections, and his promotion of Gamal Mubarak, his son, as his successor. Many Egyptians who voted for Islamists in 2011 after Mubarak fell describe their hopes at the time that "good Muslims" would resist the temptations of power. When Morsi mismanaged the economy and failed to contain unrest, they then turned on the Brotherhood, switching their loyalties to a man who understands the state but still seems relatively clean.

BUDGET WOES

Perhaps in response to this public sentiment, Sisi has played the role of a virtuous leader quite well, ordering his cabinet to be at their desks at 7 a.m. each morning, leading a bicycle marathon to publicize the cost of fuel subsidies, and campaigning against Egypt's epidemic of sexual harassment. He has pledged half of his income and property to the state. Many compare him to another president, Gamal Abdel al-Nasser, who, despite his failures, is still remembered fondly for his ostensible public dedication and personal rectitude. Sisi's clean image is probably not entirely an act. He does appear to lack Mubarak's fascination with self-enrichment and nepotism. His children have pursued careers in the military and state institutions, for example, rather than in the private sector like Mubarak's.

Sisi's charisma can ease his first few years in power, but ultimately the regime's credibility hinges on whether the new power structure can bring the benefits that many Egyptians still expect: security, government services, and jobs. He has pledged that Egyptians will see a "better life" within two years. And despite public perceptions, when it comes to development, corruption may be the least of Egypt's problems.

If Sisi is serious about infrastructure investment, he will soon run up against the self-interest of his own allies. Government wages, subsidies, and interest on the debt devour the budget. Sisi has shown some readiness to tackle subsidies, particularly for fuel. But wages will be much tougher to reduce. State bodies were given considerable autonomy under Mubarak, and in some cases they have even refused to reveal their expenses to the central auditor. The treasury carries a heavy burden of hundreds of thousands of low-level public employees and top-level officials with inflated salaries (a top police officer can make over $300,000 a year, ministry insiders say). Meanwhile, the state is also expected to provide employees with services ranging from social clubs to hospitals to sports teams. A further distortion to the economy are the many advantages enjoyed by state institutions, which run commercial enterprises in protected sectors and have preferential access to subsidized fuel. And because state salaries are paid in pounds, Egypt's powerful have a vested interest in propping up the currency even though it costs the treasury billions and undercuts export competitiveness.

With the collapse of the tourism sector in 2011, it has taken over $20 billion in pledged aid from Egypt's allies in the Gulf to keep the economy afloat. Sisi is probably correct in his assessment that tourism will recover only when there is a perception of stability. Although he talks tough about cracking down on protests and terrorism, however, he might not have the tools for the job. The police sulked in their stations after their defeat in street battles in the 2011 uprising, as kidnappings, carjackings, and violent crime surged. They were openly insubordinate to Morsi. But even under Sisi, whom they support and who backs them politically, they are still in no mood to exert themselves. The police abandoned many of their outposts in the wave of violence set off by Morsi's ouster, and in some cases have not returned, leaving communities -- including a suburb of several hundred thousand within a 20-minute drive from central Cairo -- under Islamist dominance. In the short term, the security services can probably afford to leave these enclaves ungoverned. The Brotherhood has mostly limited itself to protests, which have generally been peaceful. (Some radicals, however, have carried out dozens of bomb and other attacks on police, mostly in Cairo, possibly in coordination with jihadist insurgents in the Sinai.) Deadly clashes have declined in recent months, but should political violence flare up again, there are plenty of potential safe havens for militants.

NEUTRALITY BY THE WAYSIDE

In addition to these handicaps, Sisi is also missing a ruling party -- a key channel through which Mubarak's regime distributed resources, assessed local grievances, and monitored the countryside. The president may simply be unwilling to designate any such power base. The NDP served as a vehicle for the opportunistic and the corrupt, and any institution resembling a successor could easily sour many on the new order. But lower-than-expected turnout in the presidential election may have convinced Sisi that he is not quite as popular as he originally thought, and that he thus needs political fixers. A number of parties aspire to the mantle of the NDP, but Sisi may find a coalition more palatable. Over the last two months, Murad Muwafi, former head of general intelligence, and Amr Moussa, former chief of the Arab League, have unsuccessfully tried to assemble an alliance of opposition parties to support Sisi. But those talks faltered, and the parties are now up in arms over an election law that, according to Sisi critics, favors district-based candidates over party lists, tilting the scales toward local power brokers who made up much of the NDP.

If Egypt’s high state continues to take a direct role in government, its prestige will erode. The military may have billions of dollars to channel into populist development projects, but it is not the most discerning investor. In February, an army doctor announced to a packed conference of the nation's military and civilian leadership that the military had invented devices that could detect and cure HIV/AIDS and hepatitis C, sparking widespread derision. The army had planned to roll them out for the anniversary of the June 30 protests, but at the last minute announced a six-month delay. The more the army does in the public eye, the more difficult it might be to retain its image of competence.

Meanwhile, the judiciary has, in the past three years, squandered its reputation for political neutrality, which it defended even under Mubarak. As recently as 2011, secular activists turned on the judges over their failure to convict police officers accused of killing protesters. The constitutional court's 2012 decision that dissolved a parliament dominated by the Brotherhood and its allies, whatever the legal merits, convinced Islamists that the judges aimed to thwart their agenda. The judiciary as a whole continues to jealousy guard its institutional independence, but this persistence only highlights how dysfunctional and partisan many courts have become. As the most egregious example, one now-infamous judge in Upper Egypt's Minya governorate passed hundreds of death sentences this spring to suspects accused of attacking police stations, while denying the defense a chance to make a case and cursing the defendants as "demons" who preached Jewish scripture.

Sisi may find his honeymoon period to be short. He has inherited from Mubarak an economy that is unlikely to meet the public's expectations, and he does not have Mubarak’s advantage of 30 years in power. In the waning years of the Mubarak regime, it had seemed inconceivable that the opposition could ever unseat him -- a mindset that disappeared in January 2011. By comparison with his predecessor, Sisi is thus on far shakier ground. Yet unlike Mubarak, Sisi has the active support of a greater array of state and private institutions. He may indeed succeed in restoring stability. But if he fails, because he has implicated these institutions in the creation of his new order, the social upheaval unleashed may be far greater than anything Egypt has seen so far.

Deadly blast hits Sinai residential compound
At least eight killed in two successive blasts that hit residential area next to security compound in Egypt's Sinai.
Last updated: 14 Jul 2014 02:55
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The military post is located near a compound of residential buildings in the al-Salam district [AFP]

At least eight people have been killed in an explosion near a security compound in Egypt's Sinai region, near the border with Israel, the Interior Ministry and security officials have said.

Medical sources said at least 22 other people were injured in the blast on Sunday.

The Interior Ministry said seven people were killed and around 25 others were injured in an explosion.

Security sources said the rocket was targeting North Sinai's main security compound but instead fell in front of a nearby crowded supermarket in Sinai's northern city of al-Arish, Reuters news agency reported.

A few minutes later, two rockets hit a security unit in the same city killing an officer and injuring seven others, medical sources said.

The military post is located near a compound of residential buildings in the al-Salam district. The main security headquarters and the local government offices are also located in the same area.

Egypt has been hit by attacks from Sinai based fighters, who have mainly targeted security forces since last year's army ouster of elected President Mohamed Morsi. Hundreds of soldiers and police officers have been killed in those attacks.

The army ousted Morsi in July of last year after protests against his rule, and the move was followed by a crackdown in which hundreds of street protesters were killed and thousands of opposition leaders and activists were jailed.

Egypt's newly elected President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the former army chief who orchestrated Morsi's overthrow, has promised to combat violence and restore stability to the Arab world's most populous state.

Six Egyptian soldiers killed in Sinai attack
Remotely detonated bomb targets armoured vehicle in restive region, as several universities witness student protests.
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Last updated: 19 Oct 2014 13:32


At least six Egyptian soldiers have been killed in the Sinai Peninsula, in the most recent of attacks targeting government troops in the eastern restive region.

A remotely detonated roadside bomb exploded on Sunday as an armoured vehicle responsible for protecting a natural gas pipeline passed by, sources said.

Hundreds of soldiers and police officers have been killed in attacks since the army-led overthrow of president Mohamed Morsi in July last year.

A month after Morsi's unseating, the army launched a military campaign to stamp out militias that have penetrated the neglected Sinai region, taking advantage of a security vacuum that accompanied years of political instability.

Most of these attacks, including an assassination attempt targeting the interior minister in Cairo last year, were claimed by Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, the most active armed group in Egypt.

The group has expressed support for the Islamic State in Iraq and Levant, although it has not formally pledged its allegiance.

The attacks have largely targeted policemen and soldiers, as the group says it seeks to avenge a bloody police crackdown on supporters of Morsi, in which over a thousand were killed in street clashes, and thousands more were imprisoned.

Student protests

The latest Sinai attack came amid continuing turmoil in several university campuses across Egypt with students protesting against increasing security measures and the incarceration of hundreds of their colleagues.

Local media reported on Sunday that tear gas canisters were fired by police at crowds of pro-democracy students in Minya University in upper Egypt.

Clashes were also reported to have erupted between students and security forces in the university of the central district of Tanta. Al Jazeera was unable to independently verify these reports.

Students belonging to the Students against Movement, which is closely affiliated to Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood, has been mobilising for daily protests since the previous academic year.

Thousands of students were jailed last year, of whom more than 900 remain behind bars. At least 19 students have been killed in the violence.

El último bastión de la resistencia en Egipto al general Al Sisi
El Gobierno endurece el control de la Universidad para acallar las protestas
Ricard González El Cairo 17 OCT 2014 - 20:07 CEST

La entrada a la Universidad de El Cairo, con un fuerte despliegue policial, el pasado 12 de octubre / Aly Hazzaa (AP)


Una larga y caótica cola se forma frente a la puerta principal de la Universidad de El Cairo mientras los guardias de seguridad inspeccionan detenidamente a cada uno de los alumnos que entran al recinto de este centro público pasando bajo un detector de metales. El ambiente en el campus es tenso. Una decena de furgonetas de policía custodiadas por agentes antidisturbios rodean la entrada. “Esto parece un estado de excepción. Dicen que hay estudiantes terroristas, pero ellos son los verdaderos terroristas”, espeta Gaafar, un estudiante de Derecho. Apenas un minuto después, la conversación se interrumpe en seco por la llegada de un malhumorado policía de paisano.

Las autoridades egipcias han decidido dar una vuelta de tuerca a la represión para evitar que este curso las universidades vuelvan a ser bastión de las protestas contra el golpe de Estado. Desde que se iniciaron las clases el pasado sábado, al menos 210 estudiantes han sido detenidos, casi la mitad en manifestaciones dispersadas por la policía con gases lacrimógenos y disparos de balines. El resto fueron arrestados en sus casas de madrugada, en algún caso con la participación de miembros de las fuerzas especiales.
más información

Un tribunal aplaza el veredicto del juicio contra Hosni Mubarak
La Hermandad sobrevive en Egipto
“La revolución, también la egipcia, la hace siempre una minoría”
Cinco muertos en el aniversario de la matanza de islamistas en Egipto
Retorno al autoritarismo en Egipto, por I. ÁLVAREZ-OSSORIO

El Gobierno teme que se repita el escenario del año pasado. A medida que la brutalidad policial vaciaba las calles de manifestaciones, las universidades se fueron convirtiendo en el principal foco de las protestas contra el régimen surgido del golpe de Estado de julio de 2013 contra el islamista Mohamed Morsi, el primer presidente electo en unos comicios limpios. Las movilizaciones estudiantiles fueron organizadas por el grupo Estudiantes contra el Golpe, liderado por simpatizantes de los Hermanos Musulmanes, el movimiento al que pertenece Morsi. Al menos 14 alumnos murieron en el transcurso de las protestas y varios centenares fueron arrestados. Unos 900 aún languidecen en prisión, muchos de ellos a la espera que se presenten cargos en su contra, según la Asociación para la Defensa de la Libertad de Expresión y Conciencia.

Durante el verano, las autoridades han aprobado varias normas controvertidas que limitan la libertad de expresión y de asociación dentro de los campus. Entre ellas, destaca la prohibición de organizar cualquier actividad política, de exhibir eslóganes políticos en camisetas o libretas, y de corear cánticos contra el presidente del país, Abdelfatá al Sisi, el general que ejecutó el golpe. Además, se ha simplificado el procedimiento de expulsión de los alumnos que violen el nuevo código, y se ha retomado la práctica de que sea el presidente quien nombre a dedo a los rectores en lugar de ser elegidos por los catedráticos. El Estado policial de Hosni Mubarak ha vuelto en toda su crudeza.

Unos 900 alumnos están en prisión, muchos sin cargos, denuncia una ONG

En este inicio de curso, retrasado para reforzar el dispositivo de seguridad, el malestar se ha extendido entre los alumnos. Las tácticas draconianas de las autoridades, como la contratación de la agencia de seguridad privada Falcon, conocida por sus métodos expeditivos, amenazan con enfadar incluso a los universitarios no islamistas. “Al principio solo protestaban estudiantes de la Hermandad, pero ahora se les han sumado otros que están hartos de los excesos de los guardias o que tienen algún amigo arrestado”, explica Mahmud, un estudiante de segundo de Empresariales sentado a unos metros de la puerta de entrada a la Universidad de El Cairo. “Creo que hoy no entraré, tengo miedo de que haya nuevos disturbios”, confiesa este joven que se declara “apolítico”.

El ministro de la Enseñanza Superior, Sayed Abdel Jaleq, ha justificado las nuevas medidas asegurando que estaban solo dirigidas “a unos pocos individuos con unas opiniones cerradas y partidistas”, en referencia a los estudiantes de la Hermandad. “Era necesario adoptar medidas más estrictas hacia ellos. Contratamos a Falcon para evitar la intrusión de matones”, ha afirmado en una entrevista al diario Al Masry al Youm y ha asegurado que los guardias de seguridad han confiscado diversas armas en los accesos a los campus.

Una coalición de ONG egipcias especializadas en la promoción de los derechos humanos ha exigido la liberación de todos los universitarios detenidos y ha advertido que la mano dura de las autoridades “solo empeorará las cosas, soliviantando a los estudiantes”. En el texto, los firmantes denuncian que la actual campaña “reduce las libertades ganadas durante los últimos tres años”.
Muertes y arrestos

2011. En febrero, el presidente Hosni Mubarak renuncia al poder, acosado por la gran movilización. En noviembre se celebran elecciones legislativas, en las que el brazo político de los Hermanos Musulmanes logra mayoría parlamentaria.

2013. El 3 de julio, el Ejército da un golpe de Estado y depone al presidente islamista, Mohamed

2014. En mayo, el general Abdelfatá al Sisi, líder del golpe, arrasa (93% de los votos) en las elecciones. El Gobierno emprendió una dura represión que ha causado unos 2.000 muertos y 20.000 detenidos.

Regreso a las tinieblas
La absolución del expresidente Mubarak extingue en Egipto cualquier vestigio de democracia
El País 8 DIC 2014 - 00:00 CET
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Hace cuatro años que la llama de la primavera árabe prendió en numerosos países sojuzgados de Oriente Próximo y el norte de África. Egipto, el más importante entre ellos, acaba de poner el último clavo en el féretro de aquel espejismo, del que queda alguna esperanza solo en Túnez, al desestimar las acusaciones de asesinato contra el expresidente Hosni Mubarak y sus más estrechos colaboradores por la muerte de casi un millar de personas a manos de las fuerzas del régimen en el levantamiento popular de 2011. En su insulto final a la ciudadanía, los jueces también han rechazado acusaciones de corrupción contra Mubarak, de 86 años, y sus dos hijos.

El presidente Abdel Fatah al Sisi, general criado a la sombra de aquella eterna dictadura y hasta este mismo año jefe de la junta que derrocó al Gobierno de los Hermanos Musulmanes, descarta recurrir la sentencia del juicio más importante en la historia de su país. Egipto, ha dicho, debe mirar exclusivamente hacia adelante.
Editoriales anteriores

Represión en Egipto (25/06/2014)

Muerte a destajo (01/05/2014)

La absolución de Mubarak cierra en Egipto un círculo siniestro que enlaza el final de una dictadura con el comienzo de otra de rasgos más despiadados, tras el imposible flirteo con la democracia de los Hermanos Musulmanes. Bajo la batuta del presidente Sisi, ahora en disfraz civil y objeto de un culto a la personalidad sin precedentes, los militares protagonizan desde 2013 una represión feroz contra los islamistas, a la que no escapan los sectores liberales. Los generales también se han ocupado, tras su golpe contra Morsi, de aumentar su control sobre la economía y blindar constitucionalmente sus privilegios y su inmunidad.

Una de las características de este regreso a la tiranía es la connivencia con un sistema judicial más que nunca correa de transmisión del poder castrense, del que Sisi acaba de ponderar su “limpieza, integridad, imparcialidad y competencia”. La libertad para Mubarak ha sido decidida por unos tribunales que en año y medio han convalidado centenares de sentencias de muerte contra supuestos islamistas (188 en la semana acabada), en juicios celebrados con la cadencia de una cadena de montaje y sin la menor garantía jurídica. Son los mismos jueces que después de tres años de investigación no han encontrado, en los más de 1.200 folios que acompañan su veredicto, ninguna relación entre Mubarak y los casi mil muertos de aquel ya remoto Egipto de febrero de 2011.

Condena Egipto a cadena perpetua a 230

El activista político Ahmed Douma, con los brazos cruzados, participa en su juicio en El Cairo, February 4, 2015. Foto: Reuters
El activista político Ahmed Douma, con los brazos cruzados, participa en su juicio en El Cairo, February 4, 2015. Foto: Reuters
El activista político Ahmed Douma, con los brazos cruzados, participa en su juicio en El Cairo, February 4, 2015. Foto: Reuters

AFP
El Cairo, Egipto (04 febrero 2015).-
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Un total de 230 activistas de la revolución que expulsó del poder a Hosni Mubarak en 2011 fueron condenados a cadena perpetua, entre ellos uno de sus líderes, Ahmed Duma, informaron fuentes judiciales.

Además el mismo tribunal condenó a 39 menores a 10 años de cárcel por enfrentamientos entre manifestantes y las fuerzas de seguridad en 2011.

Desde que el Ejército derrocó al Presidente islamista Mohamed Morsi en julio de 2013 y reprimió las manifestaciones de sus partidarios, se han emitido numerosas penas de muerte y condenas de cárcel en juicios en ocasiones de tan sólo unos minutos.

Las penas pronunciadas el miércoles son las más duras infligidas a militantes de movimientos laicos y liberales que expulsaron a Mubarak del poder.

Los simpatizantes de la cofradía islamista de los Hermanos Musulmanes de Morsi suelen ser las principales víctimas de la represión en la calle y en los tribunales.

Duma ya fue condenado a tres años de cárcel por haber organizado una manifestación ilegal contra el nuevo Gobierno del Presidente Abdel Fatah al Sisi, el ex jefe de las Fuerzas Armadas que derrocó a Morsi.
Hora de publicación: 09:56 hrs.

These maps show how terrorism is spreading through the Middle East's most populous country

Armin Rosen

Feb. 14, 2015, 10:40 AM
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Sisi SupporterAmr Dalsh / ReutersSisi's a popular guy these days.

February 11th marked the 4th anniversary of the resignation of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, who was overthrown in a wave of massive popular protests after over 30 years in power. Just a few short years later, Egypt is back under autocratic rule.

A military council ruled Egypt in the immediate aftermath of Mubarak's departure, and the country had a brief flirtation with electoral democracy that led to the election of a Muslim Brotherhood government that was itself overthrown in a 2013 military coup. It's somewhat ironic that Egypt's protests, which helped unleash the "Arab Spring," have led to the elevation of former general Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who is arguably more authoritarian than any of the leaders he replaced.

The following map, from British risk analytics firm Verisk Maplecroft, helps explain this turnabout. Egypt has a highly respected military (at least within Egypt) and very little history of civil violence.

But the chaos of the post-Mubarak period — and, some would argue, Sisi's heavy-handedness in disposing of his rivals in the Muslim Brotherhood — led to a gradual deterioration in internal security. Today, jihadist groups like Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis, which has sworn allegiance to ISIS, prowl the Sinai, and bombings occur in Cairo with a frequency that would have seemed unimaginable just a few years ago.

Egypt terrorism mapVerisk Maplecroft
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As the Washington Institute for Near East Policy's Eric Trager argued in a recent essay in Politico, Egyptians are more concerned with reclaiming their country's previous order and stability than they are with democratic reform.

The above map suggests that the conditions that led to Sisi's rise — and scuttled one of the most important political experiments in modern Middle Eastern history — will remain firmly in place.

Egypt sacks 41 judges for 'supporting' Brotherhood
Disciplinary court orders their compulsory retirement accusing them of supporting outlawed group, state media reports.

15 Mar 2015 01:39 GMT | Egypt, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
The move by a disciplinary court is seen as part of a sweeping crackdown on political dissent in Egypt [Reuters]

Egypt's state media reports that a disciplinary court has ordered 41 judges into compulsory retirement for supporting the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, the latest move in a sweeping crackdown on political dissent.

The Disciplinary Council headed by Nabil Zaki, a judge, did not immediately release the reason for its decision on Saturday.

The government has implemented a harsh crackdown on Islamists and secular political opponents since July 2013, when then-army chief Abdel Fattah el-Sisi ousted Islamist President Mohamed Morsi following mass protests against his rule.

Reuters news agency reported that 31 of the judges were sent into compulsory retirement for signing a statement condemning Morsi's removal.

Another 10 were removed from their posts for joining the "Judges for Egypt" group, which supported the Brotherhood even before Morsi's removal, Reuters reported, citing judicial sources.

Egyptian law prohibits judges from engaging in politics, but critics and human rights groups say the judicial disciplinary court has turned a blind eye to judges who openly support the government of Sisi, who was elected president last year.

The government says the judiciary is independent and it never intervenes in its work.

"The decision is shocking and it is a massacre of the judges," Ahmed El-Khatib, one of the punished judges, told Reuters. He made no comment about whether he supported the Brotherhood.

The judges have the right to appeal the decision.

Separately, security forces arrested 63 middle-level Brotherhood leaders who face charges of attacking police headquarters and inciting violence, Egypt's interior ministry said in a statement on Saturday.

Another 13 Brotherhood supporters were arrested on suspicion of possessing arms and ammunition, it added.

The government blacklisted the Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation in December 2013, and Sisi says it is a threat to national security. The group says it is committed to peaceful activism.