Separatistas Ucranianos amenazan con dividir a la ex república soviética en favor de Rusia

Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea anuncian sanciones al tiempo que piden paz y buscan diálogo, el presidente ruso Vladimir Putin llama a su homólogo ucraniano Viktor Yanukóvich desde el Kremlin mientras Rusia envía dinero y le abarata el gas que le vende. También lo llama el vicepresidente de EE.UU., Joe Biden, para que detenga la represión. ¿Qué tiene Ucrania para hacer que todos estos actores estén tan dispuestos a actuar?
Es para muchos el vértice donde se disputa una suerte de renovada Guerra Fría, en la propia geografía de Europa.
Esa tensión dejó al menos 21 manifestantes muertos el jueves, así como centenares de heridos en los últimos días. Los choques entre opositores y fuerzas de seguridad, especialmente en la capital, Kiev, se han vuelto constantes. Y un reciente intento de tregua fracasó.

Todo comenzó en noviembre, cuando Yanukóvich optó por rechazar un acuerdo para profundizar los lazos con la Unión Europea (UE), que habían estado negociando por tres años, a cambio de extender su acercamiento a Rusia.
¿O comenzó antes?
El cuello inmóvil
Durante casi todo el siglo XX Ucrania formó parte de la Unión Soviética, hasta su independencia en 1991.
Desde entonces, su mirada empezó a girar, desde Oriente hacia Occidente, desde Rusia hacia la Unión Europea; con el ejemplo de Polonia, Eslovaquia y Hungría -todos ellos ya miembros de la UE- en el horizonte.
Pero el cuello de Ucrania no termina de completar ese movimiento, porque dos fuerzas encontradas lo han dejado paralizado.
Por un lado, el impulso de acercarse hacia Europa, promovido fundamentalmente por las jóvenes generaciones que habitan en el oeste del país.
Por el otro, un oriente y sur más cercanos a Rusia -donde de hecho se habla ruso y no ucraniano- que añora los años de la integración Soviética.
Y de cada lado, los intereses y presiones de grandes potencias mundiales.
El gas

Ucrania depende de Rusia para el abastecimiento de gas y por su territorio pasan gasoductos que transportan gas ruso a la UE.
Muchos analistas creen que la crisis del gas entre 2006 y 2009 fue una consecuencia de las tensiones políticas que ya entonces había en Ucrania, entre acercarse más a Rusia o a la UE.
Esas tensiones estaban en el corazón de la Revolución Naranja de 2004, en la que el actual presidente, Viktor Yanukóvich perdió poder, al tiempo que ascendieron líderes más favorables a Occidente, como Viktor Yuschenko y Yulia Tymoshenko.
Pero esos políticos no lograron satisfacer las expectativas populares, lo que llevó a que Yanukóvich ganara las elecciones en 2010.
"Eran corruptos, incompetentes. Entonces la gente votó por Viktor Yanukóvich por la desesperanza ante el modo en que su país era manejado", le dijo al programa PM de Radio 4 de la BBC el editor internacional de la revista The Economist, Edward Lucas, también autor del libro "La nueva Guerra Fría: la Rusia de Putin y su amenaza a Occidente".
"Eso, desafortunadamente, abrió la puerta a Rusia, y Rusia forzó a Ucrania a decirle que no al acuerdo comercial con la Unión Europea, y arrastró a Ucrania hacia el lado de Rusia", agregó Lucas.
En una reunión el 17 de diciembre de 2013 entre Putin y Yanukovich, Rusia se comprometió a comprar US$15.000 millones en bonos del estado ucraniano y reducir el precio del gas que le vende al país.

Socios comerciales


Putin y Yanukóvich, reunidos en el Kremlin.
Rusia es además el principal socio comercial de Ucrania.
En 2012, según cifras del Servicio Estatal de Estadísticas de Ucrania, las exportaciones del país a Rusia fueron de US$68.800 millones, mientras importó por valor de US$84.700 millones de su vecino.
Entretanto, los intercambios con la UE representan un tercio del comercio exterior de Ucrania.
En 2012 el país exportó por US$20.000 millones al bloque, del que compró productos y servicios por US$32.600 millones (de acuerdo con cifras de la Comisión Europea).
En su mayoría las exportaciones de Ucrania a la UE están beneficiadas por un esquema de exenciones tarifarias.
Esferas de influencia
Pero para Mark Mardell, editor de la BBC para Norteamérica, el asunto va más allá del mero comercio exterior.
"La batalla por Ucrania es acerca de la influencia y alcance de Occidente en el mundo", dice.
"Desde la caída de la Unión Soviética, Rusia ha perdido catastróficamente frente a Occidente", agrega.
"No sólo exaliados como Polonia o República Checa son parte de la UE, sino que también se han sumado al bloque exmiembros de la URSS, como Lituania y Letonia. Y ahora el histórico aliado ruso, Serbia, también decidió sumarse".
Y Rusia no tiene intenciones de dar el brazo a torcer con Ucrania.
El canciller ruso Sergei Lavrov dijo en estos días: "Muchos países occidentales intentan de toda forma interferir, alientan a la oposición a actuar por fuera de la legalidad, hasta coquetean con los militantes, dan ultimátums, amenazan con sanciones".
Ya en 2010 Ucrania firmó con Rusia un acuerdo por el que le ofreció un descuento del 30% en el gas natural que le vende, a cambio de que Ucrania extendiera por 25 años el arriendo de la ciudad de Sebastopol, en el Mar Negro, donde Rusia tiene una importante base naval.
Los manifestantes contrarios a Yanukóvich creen además que el presidente está encaminándose hacia la inclusión de Ucrania en la Unión Euroasiática, una unión aduanera impulsada por Putin, de la que ya forman parte Bielorrusia y Kazajistán.
Tanto Putin como Yanukóvich rechazan esta acusación.
Debilidad occidental

Lucas, de The Economist, cree que Putin y su gente en el Kremlin, "nunca aceptaron los términos del acuerdo de 1991, luego del colapso de la Unión Soviética".
"Quieren recuperar una parte de Europa que ellos creen que les pertenece, que es parte de su esfera de influencia".
Para él, si eso sucediera, sería "aterrador".
"El occidente del país no va a aceptar el mandato de Moscú o de Kiev, si es en nombre de Moscú; pelearon una guerra de de guerrillas por diez años entre 1945 y 1955, que fue finalmente aplastada brutalmente por Stalin".
Si esto sucediera, dice Lucas, se "puede trastornar la provisión de gas y petróleo de Europa".
Y tanto él como Mardell, de la BBC, ven falta de firmeza en la UE y en EE.UU.
Para Mardell, "Europa se muestra débil" y "Barack Obama da la imagen de estar desinteresado en el extranjero".
Silencio
"El sonido más inquietante en las calles de Kiev no es el de las balas o el de las explosiones, es el sonido del silencio", se le escuchó decir el miércoles en la radio al enviado de la BBC a Ucrania, Steve Rosenberg.
En el centro de la ciudad no había coches, apenas gente caminando por las aceras.
Era como si las cosas se hubieran detenido, el aire contenido, esperando una definición.
¿Hacia dónde terminará girando el cuello de Ucrania? ¿Hacia el este o hacia el oeste?
Fechas clave
• 21 de noviembre de 2013: Ucrania suspende las preparaciones de un acuerdo comercial con la Unión Europea y se disparan las protestas.
• 30 de noviembre: Policía antidisturbio actúa contra los manifestantes, lesionando a decenas de personas y profundizando las tensiones.
• 17 de diciembre: Rusia acuerda comprar bonos del gobierno de Ucrania y bajar el precio del gas que le vende al país.
• 25 de diciembre: Nuevas protestas luego de que la periodista y activista contraria al gobierno Tetyana Chornovol es golpeada.
• 19 de enero de 2014: Las protestas se vuelven violentas cuando los manifestantes prenden fuego a autobuses de la policía y lanzan cócteles molotov; la policía con balas de goma, gas lacrimógeno y cañones de agua. Varios mueren en los días siguientes.
• 18 de febrero: El día más sangriento de las protestas, en que varios manifestantes y policías pierden la vida.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/noticias/2014/02/140220_ucrania_analisis_por_que_importa_nc.shtml

Portavoz de la OMS muere en avión derribado en Ucrania; viajaba a Conferencia sobre el Sida

Por: Redacción / Sinembargo - julio 18 de 2014 - 8:55
De revista, Mundo, TIEMPO REAL, Último minuto - 1 comentario


Ginebra 18 Jul (Notimex).- La Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) está de luto por la muerte del portavoz Glenn Thomas quien iba a bordo del Boeing 777 de Malaysia Airlines, derribado al parecer por un misil el día de ayer en el este de Ucrania.

“Perdimos a un gran colega en el vuelo MH17: Glenn Thomas. Miembro de mi equipo. Lo vamos a extrañar”, confirmó en su cuenta de Twitter un alto directivo de comunicación de la OMS, Gregory Hartl.

Thomas solía asistir como portavoz de la OMS a las conferencias de prensa semanales que ofrecen diversas agencias de Naciones Unidas en Ginebra, sede de la OMS.

Durante la conferencia de prensa de esta mañana, por iniciativa conjunta del servicio de prensa de la ONU y de la Asociación de Corresponsales de la ONU en Ginebra (ACANU) los portavoces y los periodistas observaron un minuto de silencio en su memoria, recordándolo como gran profesional y entrañable amigo.

Thomas se encontraba a bordo del avión que fue derribado ayer por un misil que al parecer estaba en manos de militantes prorrusos en el este de Ucrania, pues se dirigía a Melbourne, Australia a la Conferencia Internacional sobre Sida.

Asimismo, un gran número de investigadores y activistas contra el sida reconocidos a nivel mundial que iban a la mencionada cumbre sobre Sida murieron a consecuencia de este accidente.

Entre los pasajeros estaba el ex presidente de la Sociedad Internacional sobre el Sida, Joep Lange, holandés y conocido investigador del VIH.

La muerte de Thomas así como la pérdida irreparable de expertos y activistas sobre Sida ha conmocionado a tanto al personal de la ONU como a la comunidad científica mundial.

Malaysia Airlines informó que el Boeing 777 volaba de Ámsterdam a Kuala Lumpur con 298 personas a bordo.

El avión de Malaysia Airlines fue derribado este jueves por un misil, cerca de la frontera entre Rusia y Ucrania, informó una fuente gubernamental de Estados Unidos a la cadena de noticias CNN.

Ukraine rebels hand over plane black boxes
The move comes after a UN Security Council resolution demanded full and unrestricted access to the crash site.
Last updated: 22 Jul 2014 10:23
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Malaysian authorities said the black boxes were 'in good condition' [EPA]

A senior separatist leader, Aleksander Borodai, has handed over black boxes from an airliner shot down over eastern Ukraine to Malaysian experts in the city of Donetsk.

"Here they are, the black boxes," Borodai told a room packed with journalists at the headquarters of his self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic, as an armed rebel placed the boxes on a desk.

Both sides then signed a document, which Borodai said was a protocol to finalise the procedure.

Colonel Mohamed Sakri of the Malaysian National Security Council said the two black boxes were "in good condition", Reuters news agency reported.

The rebels also announced a ceasefire within a 10km radius around the crash site to allow international investigators to safely access the vast area where the Malaysia Airlines flight was shot down, AFP news agency reported.

The move came after a United Nations Security Council resolution condemned the shooting down of the plane and demanded that armed groups allow "safe, secure, full and unrestricted access" to the crash site.

UN resolution

The 15-member council unanimously adopted an Australian-drafted resolution demanding those responsible "be held to account and that all states cooperate fully with efforts to establish accountability".

"We owe it to the victims and their families to determine what happened and who was responsible," said Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop, who travelled to New York to negotiate the UN resolution. Australia lost 28 citizens in the crash.

Bishop told the council that Russia "must use its influence over the separatists" to ensure access to the site.

Veto-wielding councilmember Russia voted for the resolution after some changes were made to the text, including the characterisation of the incident as the "downing" of the airliner instead of "shooting down".

A request by Moscow for references to armed groups to be removed was not granted.

The resolution "demands that the armed groups in control of the crash site and the surrounding area refrain from any actions that may compromise the integrity of the crash site, including by refraining from destroying, moving, or disturbing wreckage, equipment, debris, personal belongings, or remains."

A train carrying the remains of most of the victims, about 200 body bags, arrived on Tuesday in the government-controlled city of Kharkiv.

The bodies will then be taken back to the Netherlands to be identified.

Almost 200 of the victims on the flight to Kuala Lumpur from Amsterdam were Dutch. An emotional Dutch Foreign Minister Frans Timmermans said it was despicable that human remains were being used in a political game.

"We will not rest until all facts are known and justice is served," Timmermans said.

Russia to assist

The resolution "supports efforts to establish a full, thorough and independent international investigation into the incident in accordance with international civil aviation guidelines" and "demands all States and other actors refrain from acts of violence directed against civilian aircraft".

Russian UN Ambassador Vitaly Churkin said Russia was ready to assist an international investigation, but warned against "jumping to conclusions" on who was to blame.

Evidence should be given to the United Nations' International Civil Aviation Organisation, he said.

Churkin said Ukraine had questions to answer regarding the actions of its air traffic controllers and why a Ukrainian Buk anti-aircraft missile system "was in an area directly controlled by rebels" and why it was removed just after the shooting down of the airliner.

Russia's defence ministry on Monday challenged accusations that pro-Russian separatists were responsible for shooting down the airliner and said Ukrainian warplanes had flown close to it.

When asked what Russia would tell the separatists, Churkin told reporters: "Our message is reflected in the resolution, this is our message."

Ukraine shells Donetsk as air force grounded
Ukrainian troops pound separatist positions trying to find a way into the city, as it is too dangerous to fly overhead.
Last updated: 25 Jul 2014 02:27
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There has been heavy shelling in the eastern Ukrainian city of Donetsk, as the government steps up its campaign to take back control of the city.

It is too dangerous for the air force to fly in the area, with separatists having brought down almost 20 Ukrainian aircraft since April.

Al Jazeera's Nazanine Moshiri reports from Donetsk.

Militares ucranianos abandonan sus unidades: "No lucharemos contra el pueblo"

Publicado: 27 jul 2014 | 1:28 GMT Última actualización: 27 jul 2014 | 1:44 GMT




Más de 40 militares ucranianos han abandonado sus unidades en el este del país y pidieron permiso a las autodefensas para regresar al oeste desde Rusia para reunirse con sus familias y no tener que luchar contra su propio pueblo.

"41 reservistas dejaron sus unidades militares y llegaron al punto de control ucraniano de Izvárino, controlado por las autodefensas. Les pidieron permiso para entrar de tránsito al territorio de Rusia debido a que no quieren luchar contra su propio pueblo", dijo a RIA Novosti el portavoz del Servicio de la Guardia de Fronteras de Rusia, Vasili Maláyev.

Añadió que dieron las gracias a las autodefensas por la ayuda, les estrecharon la mano y se abrazaron. Luego 41 militares pasaron a un punto de control ruso.

Maláyev contó que proceden de diversas formaciones y unidades militares. Fueron enviados al este de Ucrania desde las provincias occidentales y centrales de Ucrania. "Desean regresar con sus familias. Pidieron ayuda para desplazarse por el territorio de Rusia, y desde ahí desplazarse hacia sus lugares de residencia" explicó Maláyev.

Mientras tanto, la guerra civil en Ucrania sigue cobrándose vidas de civiles. El sábado, 15 civiles murieron y otros 60 resultaron heridos en un ataque con morteros efectuado en el centro de la ciudad ucraniana de Lugansk.

Crimen de guerra, el derribo del avión de Malaysia Airlines: ONU
La Redacción
28 de julio de 2014
Internacional

MÉXICO, D.F. (apro).- La alta comisionada de la ONU para los derechos humanos, Navi Pillay, demandó una investigación “rápida, completa, efectiva e independiente” sobre el derribo del avión de Malaysia Airlines el pasado 17 de julio en el que murieron sus 298 ocupantes, porque puede constituir un “crimen de guerra”.

Desde Ginebra, la funcionaria afirmó que el derribo de la aeronave en el este de Ucrania, cerca de la frontera con Rusia, fue una violación al derecho internacional y, dadas las circunstancias, “puede ser un crimen de guerra”.

“Es imperativa una investigación rápida, completa, efectiva e independiente sobre este hecho”, subrayó Navy, al tiempo que se dio a conocer el más reciente informe de la misión de observadores enviada por su oficina a Ucrania.

Y es que existen denuncias de que las milicias que controlan la zona en donde ocurrió el accidente no permiten acceso irrestricto a los investigadores.

En el avión siniestrado cerca de la frontera con Rusia viajaban 298 personas, 15 de ellas miembros de la tripulación. De ese total, 80 eran niños y 23 ciudadanos de Estados Unidos.

El avión volaba de Ámsterdam a Kuala Lumpur y cayó en Torez, a unos 40 kilómetros de la frontera con Rusia.
La funcionaria de la ONU exigió que toda persona que cometa graves violaciones del derecho internacional como crímenes de guerra sea llevada ante la justicia, sin importar quién sea.

“Insto a todas las partes a poner fin a la ley de las armas y restaurar el respeto por el Estado de Derecho y los derechos humanos”, llamó Pilay ante el deterioro de la situación en el sureste de Ucrania.

De acuerdo con la ONU, mil 129 personas han sido asesinadas desde junio pasado en el conflicto del este de Ucrania. La cifra de víctimas mortales se ha triplicado desde ese mes, cuando la ONU reportó 356 asesinatos.

En las regiones orientales de Donestk y Lugansk los combates entre las fuerzas gubernamentales y los grupos rebeldes prorrusos han aumentado en las últimas semanas, y en días recientes las fuerzas gubernamentales recuperaron el control de la ciudad de Slovyansk, una base estratégica para los rebeldes.

Con la escalada de la violencia, la cifra de heridos ahora es de tres mil 442 personas, precisó Gianni Magazzeni, jefe de la Sección para las Américas, Europa y Asia Central del alto comisionado.

Al presentar el informe de los observadores, Magazzeni dijo que “se necesita establecer los hechos y circunstancias de lo sucedido” con el avión porque de ese modo se podrán “definir las siguiente etapas” y garantizar que “los responsables sean juzgados”.

De acuerdo con el informe la situación en el este de Ucrania es “desesperada” pues hay 104 edificios en manos de grupos armados, de los que 24 son instalaciones militares, 16 sedes administrativas y de autoridades locales, 16 del Ministerio del Interior y 7 de los Servicios de Seguridad.

Además, la misión de observadores, dijo, cree que en los próximos meses puede haber una nueva ola de desplazados de la península de Crimea -anexada por Rusia en marzo- por el acoso que sufren ahí las minorías.

“Las fuertes restricciones, el continúo acoso y la discriminación contra ucranianos, tártaros y representantes de minorías en general” pueden dar paso a un nuevo éxodo, señalan los observadores en su evaluación.

La ONU estima que hasta ahora, unas 14 mil personas han abandonado Crimea para instalarse en otras partes de Ucrania.

Europe
Ukraine army closes in on Donetsk
International monitors once again turned away from MH17 crash site as fighting in the area continues.
Last updated: 30 Jul 2014 13:47
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Ukraine's army has said it has retaken a town on the outskirts of the main rebel stronghold of Donetsk, and intercepted another convoy of vehicles crossing over from Russia.

Government forces said in a statement on Wednesday that they had seized control of Avdiyivka, a town of about 40,000 about a dozen kilometres north of Donetsk, as Ukraine tightened its grip around the key rebel bastion.

The Ukrainian government said on its website that 19 people had died in the fighting in the past 24 hours, with 31 people injured.

Elsewhere, clashes continued around the crash site of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, with government forces saying they were conducting a "mopping up" operation in the town of Ilovaysk, about 40km west of the site.

International observers announced they had turned back from another attempt to reach crash site after discussions with rebels, the AP news agency reported.

Safety concerns and hindrance from the separatists who control the area have kept the OSCE investigation team away from the scene, causing foreign governments whose citizens died in the July 17 crash to complain the site is not secured and some human remains have not been recovered.

Government security spokesman Andriy Lysenko added to those concerns on Wednesday by saying separatists "have mined the approaches to this area," AP reported.

ANALYSIS: OSCE in Russia

The latest advances in Donetsk come as government troops attempt to push on with an offensive that has seen them reclaim several key towns in the past few weeks, and could see them cut alleged supply routes from Russia to rebels camped out in Donetsk.


The military said that they had repulsed tank fire to destroy a convoy of vehicles that crossed the Russian border early on Wednesday morning and that troops at the key Dovzhansky frontier post had been fired at from Russia.

Fighting also raged in the second rebel stronghold of Luhansk with local authorities saying that one civilian was killed and ten injured in clashes over the past 24 hours.

'Unjust' sanctions

A defiant Russia dismissed on Wednesday the unprecedented Western sanctions over Ukraine after Brussels and Washington unveiled the toughest punitive measures against the Kremlin since the Cold War.

The third round of US and EU sanctions aims to force Russia to change tack and halt its support of separatists in Ukraine by targeting its vital financial, arms and energy sectors.

But Russia's first deputy prime minister, Igor Shuvalov, made light of the restrictions, also designed to hit the oligarchs in Russian President Vladimir Putin's inner circle.

"And what about the sanctions? In for a penny, in for a pound," he said.

Meanwhile, Russia's second-largest bank, VTB, calling the sanctions "unjust" and "politically motivated."

The US put sanctions on VTB, Bank of Moscow and Russian Agriculture Bank on Tuesday over Russia's support for rebels in Ukraine, expanding the list of Russian banks subject to US sanctions to almost all its largest with more than 50 percent of state ownership, except for Sberbank.

Russia denies supporting the rebels fighting Ukrainian forces in eastern Ukraine.

"We consider the decision to be politically motivated, unjust, legally dubious and likely to cause economic harm to all sides," VTB said in a statement.

Deadly hail in Eastern Ukraine
The use of Grad rockets in populated areas is a violation of the laws of war.
Last updated: 01 Aug 2014 11:15
Ole Solvang

Ole Solvang
Follow @https://twitter.com/OleSolvang

Ole Solvang is a senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Both the Ukrainian army and the insurgent forces have used Grad rockets [AFP]

"When we first heard one explosion we ran to the basement. And then suddenly, boom, boom, boom - countless explosions. I will never forget that sound."

With a broken hand and shrapnel still lodged in her chest, Sveta, 55, had just survived a multiple rocket attack on her village when I met her in a hospital in Donetsk in eastern Ukraine this week. The attack destroyed her house and forced most of the villagers to leave. Our investigation shows that Ukrainian armed forces are responsible for at least some of the attacks here that have killed civilians.

Fighting in eastern Ukraine is intensifying between insurgent forces who took control over several towns and cities in April, and Ukrainian armed forces who are trying to drive them out. Government forces recently retook several towns, forcing the separatists to consolidate in a couple of cities, including Donetsk, the regional capital that usually is home to almost a million people.

The fighting is taking an increasing toll on civilians. Both sides talk about hundreds of civilian casualties. While the numbers are hard to verify, it is clear that civilian casualty figures are significant.

One reason why so many civilians are getting injured and killed is the use of unguided rockets in populated areas, like the rockets that hit Sveta's village.

On July 12, for example, multiple rockets hit a residential area in the western part of Donetsk, killing seven civilians. One rocket killed four people from the same family, including two children, when it struck their home. In another attack the same day, multiple rockets hit another residential area just outside of Donetsk, killing six civilians. A more recent attack near the train station in Donetsk killed four civilians.

The rockets that hit these areas were so-called Grads. These three-metre-long rockets can strike targets up to 20km away, but they are incredibly imprecise. At their maximum range, they are accurate within a rectangle of 336 metres by 160 metres, which means that if you are trying to hit a building, you would be lucky to hit somewhere on the same block.

But the most terrifying aspect of Grads is that they are often fired in salvos. A Grad rocket launcher, a truck with a grid of tubes on its trailer, is capable of launching 40 rockets within seconds. Often, several trucks fire their rockets at an area simultaneously, raining down dozens of rockets. Grad, the Russian word for hail, is a fitting, though euphemistic, nickname: The rockets literally rain down.
Moldova: Under the influence

In eastern Ukraine, both the government and insurgent forces have, and use, Grads. From my hotel room in Donetsk in the last week, I frequently heard the low-pitch rumbling of dozens of Grads hitting at night somewhere in or just outside the city, as government and insurgent forces lobbed rockets at each other.

In these circumstances it can be challenging to establish who was responsible for a particular attack that killed civilians, particularly since both sides deny responsibility. But, in four attacks against populated areas that Human Rights Watch investigated in Donetsk, the evidence strongly indicates that Ukrainian government forces were responsible.

All the hits were in areas controlled by insurgent forces, but close to the front lines. And by examining the impact craters we were able to establish the rockets' flight direction, which indicated they had been launched from government-controlled areas. These four attacks killed at least 16 civilians and injured many more.

Insurgent forces also bear responsibility. Although Human Rights Watch has not yet conducted detailed investigations of insurgent-launched Grad attacks, there are persistent reports that they have been used in populated areas. In addition, insurgent forces and their weapons are deployed in populated areas in many places, endangering the civilians living there.

Because they are imprecise and cannot be relied upon to accurately target legitimate military objectives, the use of Grads in populated areas is a violation of the laws of war, and repeated attacks like those we documented could amount to war crimes. Commanders on both sides should recognise that they might one day be held legally accountable for their actions.

The Ukrainian government is ratcheting up its rhetoric, saying that it plans to retake all areas under insurgent control within weeks. That could spell disaster for civilians in eastern Ukraine unless both government and insurgent forces make commitments not to use Grad rockets in populated areas and to take other precautions to minimise civilian harm.

Ukraine's supporters in Washington, Brussels, and elsewhere in Europe, should make very clear they expect government forces to halt the use of Grad rockets and to strictly adhere to international humanitarian law. Russia denies it is supporting the insurgents, but Moscow obviously is influential among them, so it should use that influence to get insurgents to stop endangering the lives of civilians.

Ole Solvang is a senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Follow him on Twitter: @OleSolvang

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

Dos proyectiles lanzados desde avión impactan en zona industrial de Donetsk

06/08/14 (6:34 AM)

Kiev.- Dos proyectiles lanzados desde un avión aún sin identificar impactaron esta madrugada en una zona industrial de la ciudad de Donetsk, a cuya periferia han llegado ya los combates entre las fuerzas de Kiev y los separatistas prorrusos, sin que se hayan producido víctimas.

Tan sólo uno de los dos proyectiles explotó y dejó un cráter de 4 metros de diámetro y 1,5 metros de profundidad en una carretera que discurre por la zona en la que no hay edificios residenciales, según las autoridades de la ciudad, indicó Efe.

"Los informes de esta mañana indican que ningún avión de combate había salido en misión" hoy, informó al diario local "Ukrainskaya Pravda" el centro de prensa de las fuerzas ucranianas.

Con la excepción de los intensos bombardeos aéreos lanzados por el ejercito ucraniano en mayo contra el aeropuerto internacional situado en la periferia de la ciudad, controlado entonces por los prorrusos, se trata del primer ataque aéreo contra Donetsk.

No obstante, los combates ya llegaron ayer a los barrios periféricos de Petrovski y Kírovski de esa ciudad, cuyos vecinos denunciaron explosiones, persistentes tiroteos y daños a las infraestructuras, según las autoridades locales de esa urbe, habitada por un millón de personas antes del inicio del conflicto.

Tanto ésos como otros barrios de Donetsk ya han sufrido en las últimas semanas repetidos ataques con fuego de artillería del que se acusan los dos bandos enfrentados en el este de Ucrania.

Al menos tres civiles han muerto en las últimas horas y varios edificios de viviendas, casas particulares, infraestructuras y edificios públicos, entre ellos un mercado de abastos y una escuela, han sufrido destrozos totales o parciales por impacto de proyectiles de artillería.

Kiev ya anunció hace dos días una inminente ofensiva contra Donetsk, capital de la región homónima.

07/08/14 (3:32 PM)

Kiev.- El secretario general de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN), Anders Fogh Rasmussen, anunció hoy la decisión de la Alianza de reforzar la cooperación militar con Ucrania durante una visita a Kiev, cuyas autoridades iniciaron la ofensiva sobre las ciudades rebeldes de Donetsk y Lugansk.

"Nuestra asociación es duradera. Es fuerte. Y en respuesta a la agresión de Rusia, la OTAN está trabajando aún más estrechamente con Ucrania para reformar sus Fuerzas Armadas y sus instituciones de defensa", afirmó Rasmussen, señaló Efe.

Rasmussen, que recordó que la OTAN suspendió (en abril pasado) la cooperación con Rusia, dijo que la organización tomó la decisión "de incrementar el nivel de asistencia y cooperación con Ucrania".

El dirigente aliado, que hoy se reunió con el presidente ucraniano, Petro Poroshenko, destacó que esa cooperación se traducirá en "más maniobras militares y más instrucción conjunta", además de "asistencia a largo plazo para modernizar las Fuerzas Armadas".

"Como muestra de nuestro firme apoyo y solidaridad, hemos decidido celebrar una reunión especial con Ucrania en la próxima cumbre de la OTAN", adelantó.

El jefe aliado se refería a la reunión de la comisión OTAN-Ucrania que se celebrará en el marco de la cumbre aliada del próximo 4 y 5 de septiembre en Gales (Reino Unido), durante la que se espera que se tomen medidas firmes sobre el conflicto en Ucrania.

Y dejó la puerta abierta al ingreso de Ucrania en la Alianza, aunque afirmó respetar la ley sobre la no pertenencia a ningún bloque militar promulgada por el derrocado presidente Víktor Yanukóvich.

A su vez, Rasmussen agregó que los aliados han decidido "reforzar la defensa colectiva de todos los miembros de la OTAN" y condenó los pasos dados por Rusia contra la integridad territorial de Ucrania, en particular, al anexionarse la península de Crimea.

El dirigente aliado subrayó que Rusia sigue viendo a la OTAN "como un rival" y no descartó la imposición de nuevas sanciones económicas occidentales contra Moscú si sigue interfiriendo en el conflicto en el este de Ucrania.

"Hemos llegado a la conclusión que Rusia no ve a la OTAN como un socio. Si lee los documentos rusos, si escucha a sus dirigentes, verá que la ven (a la Alianza) como un contrincante", señaló.

Rasmussen abordó con el primer ministro ucraniano, Arseni Yatseniuk, el reforzamiento de la cooperación a través "del apoyo de la capacidad defensiva de Ucrania" en los ámbitos técnico y material, de sistema de mando, defensa cibernética y comunicaciones.

"Estoy aquí para ofrecer a Ucrania y a Petro Poroshenko el apoyo político de la OTAN", escribió Rasmussen en su cuenta de Twitter a su llegada a Kiev.

La visita se produjo horas después de las denuncias aliadas de que Rusia ha concentrado unos 20.000 soldados "listos para el combate" en la frontera oriental de Ucrania, lo que ha sido negado rotundamente por el Ministerio de Defensa ruso.

La OTAN teme que Rusia aproveche una misión humanitaria o de pacificación como excusa para el envío de tropas de pacificación al este de Ucrania.

El Consejo de Seguridad Nacional y Defensa ucraniano anunciaba hoy el esperado inicio de la ofensiva sobre las plazas fuertes de los separatistas, Donetsk y Lugansk, después de haber reconquistado más del 75 por ciento del territorio rebelde.

"Efectivamente, en estos momentos tienen lugar combates en las afueras de Donetsk y Lugansk. Los militares ucranianos realizan acciones ofensivas", dijo Andréi Lisenko, portavoz de dicho consejo.

No obstante, negó que en la ofensiva contra ambas ciudades esté participando la aviación y la artillería pesada, como denuncian los insurgentes prorrusos.

Según los insurgentes, la artillería ucraniana alcanzó hoy un hospital y varios edificios de viviendas en el centro de Donetsk, antigua ciudad industrial de casi un millón de habitantes que ha sido abandonada por una gran parte de su población.

Los milicianos prorrusos derribaron un caza MiG-29 en la localidad natal de Yanukóvich, Yenakievo, y un helicóptero sanitario Mi-8, pese al acuerdo alcanzado con los rebeldes para que pudiera recoger a varios soldados heridos en combate.

Debido a los combates, Kiev decidió suspender hoy la tregua declarada en la zona donde fue derribado a mediados de julio el Boeing malasio con 298 personas abordo, por lo que los expertos internacionales no podrán reanudar sus pesquisas hasta la próxima semana.

Hoy, el 'primer ministro' de la autoproclamada república popular del Donetsk, el ruso Alexandr Borodái, anunció la dimisión.

Según informó el diario Gazeta.ru, Rusia ha negado a los insurgentes la ayuda militar que le solicitaron para hacer frente a las fuerzas leales a Kiev.

A su vez, fue detenido cuando intentaba abandonar Lugansk, su alcalde, Sergéi Kravchenko, quien denunció en los últimos días que la sitiada ciudad se encuentra al borde de una catástrofe humanitaria, ya que carece de agua, luz, telefonía y combustible.

OTAN confirma disparo de cohetes desde Rusia hacia Ucrania

REDACCION Julio 28, 2014 2:09 pm

Las imágenes de satélite, según el comandante supremo de la OTAN en Europa, Philip Breedlove, también comprueban "los separatistas utilizaron artillería pesada contra las fuerzas ucranianas


BRUSELAS. El comandante supremo de la OTAN en Europa, el general estadunidense Philip Breedlove, corroboró hoy que las imágenes de satélite difundidas por Estados Unidos muestran el lanzamiento de cohetes desde Rusia hacia el interior de Ucrania.

“Las imágenes muestran signos del disparo de cohetes desde Rusia hacia Ucrania”, declaró Breedlove a través de su cuenta en la red social Twitter.

“Las acciones de Rusia incitaron la determinación y la unidad de la OTAN como pocas otras veces en la historia”, agregó el general aliado.

Estados Unidos publicó el domingo unas imágenes de satélite que supuestamente demuestran que Rusia bombardeó posiciones del ejército ucraniano desde su territorio, lo que significaría una escalada en el conflicto.

Las fotografías “muestran pruebas de que las fuerzas rusas dispararon a través de la frontera a las fuerzas militares ucranianas”, señaló hoy en un comunicado el Mando Aliado de Operaciones de la OTAN.

También consideró que las imágenes demuestran que “los separatistas (ucranianos) respaldados por Rusia utilizaron artillería pesada, proporcionada por Rusia, en ataques contra las fuerzas ucranianas desde dentro de Ucrania”.

El Departamento de Estado de EU difundió por su parte ayer, domingo, un documento de cuatro páginas con fotografías de satélite en las que supuestamente se muestra “artillería que solo puede encontrarse en unidades militares rusas en el lado ruso de la frontera y orientada en dirección a unidades militares ucranianas dentro de Ucrania”.

En el lado ucraniano, se pueden ver los cráteres ocasionados por los bombardeos de cohetes autopropulsados.

Las imágenes, seleccionadas por la Oficina del Director Nacional de Inteligencia estadunidense, fueron tomadas entre los días 21 y 26 de julio.

Las tropas ucranianas reducen el cerco en las ciudades orientales de Lugansk y Donetsk, las plazas fuertes de los rebeldes prorrusos, con intensos combates que aumentan el número de víctimas civiles.

Rusia detiene a cinco militares ucranianos sospechosos de delitos contra civiles

Publicado: 8 ago 2014 | 12:24 GMT Última actualización: 8 ago 2014 | 13:24 GMT

El Comité de Investigación de Rusia investigará si los militares ucranianos detenidos fueron responsables del uso de armas prohibidas en el este de Ucrania y de ataques efectuados en contra del territorio ruso.

En el marco de una investigación criminal sobre la utilización de medios y métodos de guerra prohibidos el Comité de Investigación de la Federación de Rusia ha interrogado en calidad de testigos a más de 400 soldados ucranianos y a los guardias fronterizos que cruzaron la frontera de Rusia el 3 de agosto de 2014, informa el sitio web del Comité.

Los investigadores también llevaron a cabo una serie de medidas operativas de investigación encaminadas a determinar la participación de personal militar en los crímenes contra la población civil en el territorio de las provincias de Lugansk y Donetsk.

En base a los datos obtenidos, en calidad de sospechosos han sido detenidos el comandante del primer batallón de la 72.º Brigada Mecanizada de las Fuerzas Armadas de Ucrania, Iván Voitenko, así como sus subordinados: el subcomandante Vitali Dubiniak, el comandante de batallón de tanques Alexánder Poliakov, el jefe de cuartel Alexénder Ojrimenko, y el comandante de la primera compañía, Dmitri Ustilko.

En sus testimonios, los detenidos reconocen haber participado en los enfrentamientos en el este de Ucrania y haber empleado diferentes tipos de armas, aunque niegan haberlas utilizado contra la población civil.

No obstante, los investigadores tienen pruebas de que la 72.º Brigada, obedeciendo órdenes del comandante Voitenko, del 19 de julio al 3 de agosto empleó armas ofensivas pesadas de efecto indiscriminado durante los ataques de las ciudades de Krasnopartizansk y Krasnodón (provincia de Lugansk), lo que causó la muerte de al menos 10 civiles y destruyó al menos 20 edificios residenciales y públicos. Esta información también ha sido confirmada por los testimonios de otros militares ucranianos que sirvieron en esta Brigada y pasaron al territorio de la Federación de Rusia.

El Comité de Investigación de Rusia —teniendo en cuenta que las armas que estaban en disposición de la 72.º Brigada podrían ser utilizadas para efectuar ataques con la munición rellenada con aceite incendiario H-17, un componente de las minas y las bombas aéreas (las llamadas bombas de 'fósforo')— comprueba si los militares ucranianos detenidos fueron responsables del uso en el este de Ucrania de armas prohibidas por actos jurídicos internacionales. Asimismo, se investiga su implicación en los ataques efectuados en contra del territorio ruso.

Este viernes, los investigadores han presentado una petición ante un tribunal con el fin de aplicar una medida preventiva de arresto a los cinco sospechosos.

Publicado: 10 ago 2014 | 18:46 GMT Última actualización: 10 ago 2014 | 19:35 GMT



Unos 15 proyectiles lanzados desde Ucrania han caído este domingo en el territorio ruso de la provincia de Rostov.

El portavoz del Servicio Regional de la Guardia de Fronteras de Rusia, Vasili Maláyev, informó de que las explosiones se produjeron a medio kilómetro de la frontera con Ucrania, a solo 300 metros del pueblo de Mitiakínskaya.

"Guardias fronterizos rusos han registrado cerca de la aldea de Mitiakínskaya unos 15 impactos de proyectiles provenientes de Ucrania. Explotaron a unos 300 metros de la localidad", dijo Maláyev, citado por la agencia Itar-Tass.

Según sus palabras, no ha habido heridos entre la población civil ni entre el personal de la Guardia de Fronteras.

No es la primera vez que proyectiles ucranianos caen en territorio ruso. A finales de julio, 40 proyectiles lanzados desde Ucrania cayeron en el territorio de Rusia.

El pasado 13 de julio, al menos una persona murió y varias resultaron heridas por el impacto de un proyectil contra una vivienda en una localidad de Rostov.

Before the fear of war, fear of fracking in Ukraine

People in the embattled Donbass know the shale beneath their feet could be the real reason for conflict in their towns
August 10, 2014 5:00AM ET
by Anna Nemtsova @annanemtsova

SLOVYANSK, Ukraine — A hot July day, and the neighbors and children of a half-ruined five-story building on Bulvarnaya Avenue gathered around a bench for a long discussion of their daily fears.

Locals seemed to have consensus on who’s at war: the U.S. and Russia over control of Ukraine, they all agreed. But even now, three months past the day the first shell fell on Slovyansk, they still had trouble comprehending why their green, sleepy hometown still was trapped in this conflict.

Residents of the bombed building remembered how in April, local and Russian-assigned rebel commanders chose to set up the capital for their forces in this town.
shale, Donbass, Ukraine
In a small village in the Donbass, Alexander, a former soldier, and Tatiana say they can’t afford gas, even though a gas line runs right by their home. Stanley Greene / Noor

The people of the Donbass, the country’s gritty industrial region in the east, were not naive. They realized that gas pipelines crossing the border with Russia and the shale gas fields near Slovyansk — with a potential reserve of about 3 trillion cubic meters of gas — were the cause of constant tension between Russia and Ukraine.

But with pipes in their backyards or running right next to their homes, with their feet firmly on ground that stands over a vast shale deposit, they knew the struggle was not really over Ukraine itself. They were in the middle of a war about energy.

Depending on the political winds blowing between Kiev and Moscow, the Russian gas giant Gazprom cut off natural gas to Ukraine or turned it on again. The shale gas is an important potential source for Ukraine and possibly southeastern Europe. If it proves possible to tap, Ukraine hopes this supply would undercut Gazprom’s monopoly, a move that could change Europe’s energy map and its political contours as well.

That’s how, in this region, shale gas became a political and nationalistic issue as well as an economic one. A visitor to the Donbass in February or March wouldn’t have heard fear of war but fear of fracking, with residents fearful their land would be destroyed.
Something worse than fracking

Some experts speculate that Gazprom could have fanned those fears.

“Since recently, Gazprom bosses have been worried about shale gas production in Europe and financed propaganda campaigns against the evil of shale gas,” said Mikhail Krutikhin, a senior energy expert at RusEnergy, a Moscow-based consulting firm.

The campaign was effective.
Ukraine, Donbass, conflict
In Slovyansk workers dismantle what’s left of a building destroyed in the conflict between Kiev forces and pro-Moscow separatists. Genya Savilov / AFP / Getty Images

But after Flight MH17 fell from the sky packed with innocent passengers from around the world, the fear of something bigger than a local Russian-Ukrainian conflict gripped many hearts.

“If you asked me last month, I would tell you right away that gas was the real reason for our hate for Kiev and for this war,’’ said Ivan Vailyevich, a pensioner from the building on Bulvarnaya Avenue when recalled how he participated in mass street protests in February and March.

“We’d kill and die but never allow production of shale gas here,” he said. “That would poison our land.” Now he doesn’t know what to say. “After our house was bombed this month, we realized that shale gas was not as scary as shells.”

Oksana, a young shop assistant selling swimsuits at a department store on a corner of Lenin Avenue, said that she and her family became scared of “foreigners coming” to drill for shale gas in Slovyansk after then-President Viktor Yanukovych signed an agreement with Royal Dutch Shell in January 2013.

Kiev’s plan was to set up a joint venture with Shell and drill for shale gas around Slovyansk to eventually produce 8 billion to 11 billion cubic meters of gas yearly — nearly 20 percent of what Ukrainian consumers need. (Later that year, a similar $10 billion deal was reached with Chevron for exploration in western Ukraine.)

For activists of the self-proclaimed Donestk People’s Republic, any potential Western presence in the Donbass could be used to spark anger, such as when Hunter Biden, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden’s son, joined the board of Ukraine’s largest private gas company.

Videos of the “natural catastrophe” caused by shale production in Pennsylvania gave birth to increasing concerns among the Internet users in the Donbass. In one of the most popular horror videos, an Italian politician, Giulietto Chiesa, predicted that Shell and Chevron shale drilling would eventually cause the expulsion of Slovyansk’s population of about 116,000. The rumor was passed along, increasing people’s anger with Kiev.

On top of the “fascist junta” and the “Russia haters” in Kiev, people in the Donbass now dreaded the contracts signed with Shell and Chevron for producing shale gas. At the time, they appeared to be one of the best shale bets in Europe.
Gas paranoia?

Even after Yanukovych was ousted and the new government promised to revisit all his business deals, many people in the Donbass believed the shale exploration would go ahead. The same people also believed that Europe didn’t care about potentially destructive shale production in Ukraine or whether the people in a region so opposed to Kiev would have water that stinks or gas bursting out their taps.
Donbass, fracking, shale, Ukraine
Denis Pushilin, a onetime leader of the Donetsk People’s Republic, in Donetsk, June 7, 2014. He vowed never to allow fracking in the Donbass. Evgeniy Maloletka / AP

On June 20, Denis Pushilin, then an official in the Donestk People’s Republic, declared that the “USA unfolded significant activity” in Slovyansk to make money on shale gas and promised that under his authority, nobody would ever allow “dangerous for the ecology” shale gas development in the Donbass.

With the republic often changing its leaders and agendas, Pushilin soon vanished, and anti-shale-gas demonstrations stopped.

“Gas paranoia stopped as soon as Pushilin left the Donetsk People’s Republic. It must have been a well-organized campaign that manipulated with people’s minds,” a Donetsk entrepreneur and civil society organizer, Enrike Menendes, said in an interview about the causes of the war and the future of eastern Ukraine.

Gas pipes, locals believed, were a reason behind the daily fighting over Amvrosyevka, since a Gazprom main line from Siberia to Europe that runs right outside the home of the Ivanovs, 16 kilometers from the border with Russia, passes around the corner from a Ukrainian checkpoint that is attacked by rebels continually.

The Ivanovs were torn by fear and ideologies. The father, Igor, is Russian but sympathized with the Maidan revolution. The mother, Tatyana, is Ukrainian and loved Putin. She felt especially proud of Russia on Victory Day, May 9.

The war caught them in the middle of the strawberry harvest and a redecoration project at their daughter Yulia’s house. By the beginning of July, constant fighting pushed the family to move to the basement.

“We don’t support anybody. All we want is to stay alive. Please make the world understand that,” Igor said.
Back on the avenue

Shale gas stopped being the talk of Slovyansk, but the fear of war did not. Even after Ukrainian military forces pushed rebels and their commander, a former senior officer of the Russian Federal Security Service, Igor Strelkov, out of Slovyansk in July, many people continued to talk of Kiev officials’ going after everybody involved with the separatists.

“They could easily deport the population of Slovyansk, poison the drinking water and our natural resorts on the lakes. We’ll fight for as long as we live to free our Slovyansk of Ukrainian occupants,” Denis Shpakovsky promised in an interview in Donetsk earlier this month.

After retreating from Slovyansk, Shpakovsky, 31, served in Strelkov’s security force at a prison in Donetsk. On the day Ukrainian troops moved on Slovyansk, he had to evacuate eight members of his family, including his 10-year-old daughter, Dasha, to the Russian city of Rostov.

Even several days after losing Slovyansk to “enemies, Americans and Ukrainians” he had tears in his eyes as he described how his family lived in the basement of his garage, hiding from shelling.

Almost every resident of the Donbass now has a war story to tell. On Bulvarnaya Avenue, it was almost dark. The noise of a heavy military airplane made everybody in the yard pause and look up at the sky. A round-faced woman, Anna, said she was still afraid of the war. She wondered how soon Vladimir Putin and Barack Obama could agree to make peace. Neighbors questioned whether they should fix the broken glass in their windows or wait, in case more bombs and shells fall on their town.

Ukrainian rebels ready for a ceasefire
Prime minister of self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic says move aimed at preventing humanitarian disaster.
Last updated: 09 Aug 2014 21:58
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Ukraine and its Western allies accuse Russia of fomenting a rebellion in the country's east [EPA]

Pro-Russian separatists have said they were ready for a ceasefire with the Kiev government after increasing gains by Ukrainian forces against rebel forces.

"We are ready for a ceasefire to prevent the proliferation of a humanitarian disaster...," Alexander Zakharchenko, prime minister of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic, said in a statement on Saturday.

He warned that Donetsk, the main industrial hub which is the centre of the rebel resistance, faced a lack of food, water, and electricity, but said the rebels were ready to defend the city of around one million people.

"In the event of a storm of the city the number of victims will increase by magnitude. We have no humanitarian corridors. There is no supply of medicines ... food supplies are nearing their end," he said.

We are ready for a ceasefire to prevent the proliferation of a humanitarian disaster.

- Alexander Zakharchenko, prime minister of the self-proclaimed Donetsk people's republic

Ukrainian officials say they are ready for a ceasefire but on condition the rebels surrender their arms.

The office of Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko was unavailable for immediate comment on Zakharchenko's statement, Reuters news agency reported.

Earlier, Kiev said it had headed off an attempt by Russia to send troops into Ukraine under the guise of peacekeepers with the aim of provoking a large-scale military conflict, a statement Moscow dismissed as a "fairy tale".

The White House said that during a call on Saturday, US President Barack Obama and German Chancellor Angela Merkel "agreed that any Russian intervention in Ukraine, even under purported 'humanitarian' auspices, without the formal, express consent and authorisation of the government of Ukraine is unacceptable, violates international law, and will provoke additional consequences."

Obama and British Prime Minister David Cameron also discussed the crisis and said tougher sanctions should be imposed on Russia if it sends troops into Ukraine, according to a statement from Cameron's office.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, in a phone call with US Secretary of State John Kerry, called for "urgent measures for preventing an impending humanitarian catastrophe in southeastern regions" of Ukraine, the Russian foreign ministry said.

Kerry "conveyed that Russia should not intervene in Ukraine under the guise of humanitarian convoys or any other pretext of 'peacekeeping'," a senior US State Department official said.

Russia slams claims

A senior aide to Poroshenko said a large Russian military convoy had been heading for the border on Friday under a supposed agreement with the Red Cross, but had stopped after an appeal by Kiev to Russia.

On Friday, Russia's defence ministry said it had finished military exercises in southern Russia, near the Ukrainian border, which the United States had criticised as provocative.

"A humanitarian column with 'peacekeepers' was to enter the territory of Ukraine, clearly to provoke a full-scale conflict," said Valery Chaly, deputy head of Poroshenko's administration.


"As of now, the danger of provocation has been removed," Chaly said.

Maria Zakharova, a spokeswoman for the Russian foreign ministry, dismissed Chaly's statement as untrue. "Each time Kiev is more and more inventive in creating fairy tales," she said, noting special protocols had to be completed before Russian troops could be sent abroad.

Dmitry Peskov, the spokesman for Russian President Vladimir Putin, said by phone: "We don't know what [the Ukrainians] are talking about because nothing like that happened."

Ukrainian officials say that frequent Russian military exercises near the border complicated the situation. Ukraine and its western allies accuse Russia of orchestrating the revolt and arming the rebels, who have declared independent "people's republics" in the two main industrial regions. Moscow denies involvement.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sq0JLNVo6mg

Putin se reúne con el líder ucranio en un acto auspiciado por la UE
El Kremlin advierte contra la escalada militar en las regiones prorrusas
Rodrigo Fernández Moscú 27 AGO 2014 - 00:33 CEST


Los presidentes de Ucrania, Petró Poroshenko, y de Rusia, Vladímir Putin, se encontraron en Minsk, la capital bielorrusa, en el marco de la cumbre de la Unión Aduanera (Bielorrusia, Rusia y Kazajstán) con la Unión Europea y Ucrania, donde además de temas económicos abordaron el conflicto en el este de Ucrania.

El presidente ucranio insistió en su plan de paz, que prevé el desarme de los separatistas sin condiciones —algo que difícilmente se puede conseguir sin una victoria militar— mientras que el ruso sostuvo que el conflicto no puede solucionarse por la fuerza, sin tomar en cuenta los intereses de los habitantes de las regiones orientales de Ucrania, es decir, de los rebeldes.
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Al inicio de la reunión, en la que hace de anfitrión el presidente bielorruso, Alexandr Lukashenko —al que se ha calificado como el último dictador de Europa— Poroshenko afirmó que “en Minsk se decide el destino del mundo y de Europa” y llamó a respaldar su plan de paz, que incluye el desarme de las milicias prorrusas como “base para el arreglo” del conflicto que desgarra las provincias orientales de Lugansk y Donetsk. El presidente ucranio también habló de una “descentralización” del país, pero al mismo tiempo insistió en que Ucrania ha elegido ser un “Estado unitario”, algo con lo que no están de acuerdo los rebeldes.

Poroshenko dijo estar convencido de que su plan no ha perdido actualidad y que es “el único instrumento posible para que cese el derramamiento de sangre y la reconstrucción posbélica de Donbás”, la cuenca carbonífera ucrania donde están las provincias separatistas. A pesar de ello, se declaró dispuesto a discutir otras vías para alcanzar la paz.

“Entiendo que a todas las partes implicadas les gustaría una salida digna de esta situación. Y estoy dispuesto a debatir distintas variantes que garanticen dicha estrategia de salida, una salida a un futuro pacífico para Ucrania y Europa”, dijo Poroshenko, agregando que es vital que se establezca un control internacional de la frontera con Rusia, para impedir que los rebeldes reciban por ella armas y hombres de refuerzo.

Putin prefirió hacer una referencia breve al conflicto. “La escalada del uso de la fuerza, sin tener en cuenta los intereses vitales de las regiones surorientales del país y sin un diálogo pacífico con sus representantes” no podrá solucionar la crisis, dijo, y se concentró en los problemas económicos que traerá la asociación económica de Kiev y Bruselas. Putin aseguró que a causa de ella, Rusia podría tener multimillonarias pérdidas —para empezar, 100.000 millones de rublos, cerca de 2.100 millones de euros— por lo que, para evitarlas, se verá obligada a anular las preferencias que los productos ucranios gozaban al ser exportados a Rusia.

Tras la cumbre, Poroshenko y Putin se reunieron en un encuentro cara a cara, muy esperado pero no previsto. El presidente ruso subrayó, tras la entrevista, que Moscú ofrecerá su ayuda para el diálogo entre Kiev y las milicias prorrusas, aunque consideró que es responsabilidad de Ucrania crear las condiciones necesarias para que se produzca. Poroshenko, por su parte, se comprometió a elaborar una “hoja de ruta” para acordar el alto el fuego, informa Reuters. Además, los dos mandatarios acordaron reanudar las conversaciones sobre el suministro de gas ruso a Ucrania.

La cita de Minsk se desarrolla con un telón de fondo poco propicio para las conversaciones de paz: la captura de 10 soldados rusos en territorio de Ucrania.

http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/08/26/actualidad/1409040361_313065.html

Even on Financial Front, Ukraine and Russia on Opposing Sides

BY Jamila Trindle
SEPTEMBER 2, 2014 - 09:08 AM

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This story has been updated.

As Ukraine's battle against separatists along the border with Russia intensifies, the conflict threatens to bleed the government's coffers dry. The IMF warned the government could be short $19 billion next year if fighting doesn't stop soon. Kiev could really use the money frozen in Swiss bank accounts that allegedly originated from its treasury but was allegedly stolen by the former Ukrainian president and his cronies. The only problem is that it could take years -- if ever -- to get the money back.

Ukraine's budget situation has deteriorated rapidly as the government has been forced to divert more and more resources to the military. The IMF warned Tuesday that if the conflict doesn’t end in the next few months, Ukraine will need a new bailout. "Risks loom large," the IMF said in a new report. Kiev would face a $19 billion government shortfall next year if fighting doesn't end soon.

The conflict is likely to only get more expensive, after recent setbacks against well-armed pro-Russia separatists. Ukrainian officials warned Tuesday that Russian forces had been seen in cities in the eastern part of the country, raising the prospect of direct confrontation with Russia in the crisis that began when Moscow annexed the Crimean peninsula in March. On Aug. 24, President Petro Poroshenko boosted Ukraine's military budget by $3 billion over the next three years -- a 50 percent increase -- in preparation for a protracted fight.

The situation also diverts attention from the new government's attempt to root out corruption and find money reportedly siphoned out of public accounts during the previous administration. In February, the Swiss government froze accounts, holding about $75 million, belonging to ousted President Viktor Yanukovych and 17 others, including his son. But none of it has returned to Kiev yet.

Although Yanukovych and his son Oleksandr, a dentist turned mogul, are widely suspected of corruption in Ukraine, proving that and getting the money back is another story. In February, Ukrainian and Swiss authorities opened investigations, but to force Switzerland and other jurisdictions to drain the frozen accounts into Kiev's treasury, they must prove the money's illicit nature in court.

A trove of documents dumped in a river near Yanukovych's lavish estate, Mezhyhirya, as he fled Ukraine should help investigators. Nonetheless, using contracts, receipts, and corporate documents to prove the assets were obtained illegally, rather than through legitimate businesses, is a long, painstaking process.

The United States and Britain dispatched experts to Ukraine in March after the new government took over to help it find assets and make a case. Kiev also reportedly asked the Swiss justice department for assistance. On Aug. 11, Vitaliy Yarema, Ukraine's prosecutor general, called in the International Center for Asset Recovery, a nonprofit specializing in corruption investigations. But even the experts acknowledge that their task is daunting.

Gretta Fenner said her Swiss-based center is helping Ukraine trace assets and build legal cases, which is challenging. Much of the money was taken in cash, making it harder to trace. And even if investigators find it and can prove that it was stolen, there's no guarantee that the countries harboring the money will return it. Switzerland has gone to great lengths in recent years to shed its image as a safe haven for the spoils of criminals and despots by helping foreign governments investigate corrupt leaders accused of stashing their loot in Swiss banks.

Other offshore financial centers like Bermuda, Singapore, and the British Virgin Islands are not necessarily as cooperative. Strong diplomatic ties are usually a prerequisite to legal assistance, so that means anything Yanukovych took with him to Russia likely isn't coming back.

"We assume that a lot of money is in Russia, and you can assume that the Russians are not being cooperative with anyone at the moment," Fenner said from Basel, Switzerland.

Fenner advised Ukrainian officials to focus on the "cases that lead to jurisdictions that have helped in these investigations in the past." Still, she said the process -- even if successful -- will likely take years.

"Anything under three or four years is going to be radically fast in comparison with past investigations," Fenner said.

For example, the frozen Swiss accounts of deposed Arab Spring leaders, such as Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali (Tunisia) and Hosni Mubarak (Egypt), remain full while investigations launched in 2011 continue. Swiss banks froze accounts belonging to former Haitian dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier in 1986, and the money is only now in the process of being returned to Haiti. According to the Swiss government, it has returned almost $2 billion to countries chasing stolen assets. But that figure pales in comparison with how much was taken. Ukrainian officials estimated that Yanukovych and his associates made off with as much as $100 billion.

Without any prospect of getting the stolen assets back anytime soon, Ukraine will likely look to the IMF and its Western allies to fill the budget gap that deepens as the conflict in eastern Ukraine inflicts more and more damage to the economy. The IMF agreed in March to give the country a $17 billion loan, released in tranches, combined with some $10 billion more promised in bilateral aid from individual countries.

Ukraine got the first $3 billion portion of IMF money in May, but military spending and debt repayments are tearing through it. Finance Minister Oleksandr Shlapak said Aug. 20 that the IMF should speed up disbursements because the country needs more money faster to make up a budget shortfall of 5 percent of GDP. If the IMF rejects Shlapak's request for more money, Kiev may soon have to pass the hat around to its Western supporters.

Photo by Alexander KHUDOTEPLY/AFP/Getty Images

Ucrania aprueba el autogobierno para el este con una policía autonómica



El Parlamento ucranio despachó este martes en solo unas horas dos paquetes de leyes fundamentales para el futuro del país. En primer lugar, el que confiere un estatus especial a las zonas de Donetsk y Lugansk —controladas por los separatistas— y que, de hecho, permite legalizar las formaciones armadas de los rebeldes. En segundo, la Rada Suprema ratificó el acuerdo de asociación con la Unión Europea que desencadenó la crisis que ha mantenido cinco meses al país en guerra.

El paquete del autogobierno temporal (que se extendería durante tres años) fue discutido y votado a puerta cerrada y en la sesión, según medios locales, participó el presidente, Petró Poroshenko, que lo había presentado el día anterior. No todo fue bien al principio: los diputados lo rechazaron en una primera votación, afirmó en Twitter el parlamentario Andréi Shevchenko. El resultado de la segunda fue de 277 votos a favor de la ley de estatus especial —sobre un total de 450 diputados— y 287 favorables a la amnistía para los combatientes contra tropas gubernamentales.

“Ambas leyes sobre la legalización de la RPD [República Popular de Donetsk] y la RPL pasaron con irregularidades. La votación secreta fue ilegal. Asqueroso. A iniciativa del presidente, la Rada entrega Donbás”, comentó Shevchenko, representante del partido Patria de la ex primera ministra Yulia Timoshenko, ahora en la oposición.

La autonomía permitirá a los separatistas celebrar elecciones locales el 7 de diciembre para decidir quiénes los representarán ante el Gobierno central. La ley garantiza el libre uso de la lengua rusa, también en la educación, algo que exigían los rebeldes y el Kremlin. Además, las zonas rebeldes podrán establecer relaciones económicas con provincias rusas limítrofes.

La ley de amnistía garantizará la inmunidad a todos los combatientes separatistas, a los miembros de los órganos de Gobiernos autoproclamados, así como a aquellos que hayan obstaculizado la llamada “operación antiterrorista”, es decir, la campaña militar de Kiev en el este. Quedan excluidos de la amnistía los implicados en crímenes graves, incluido el derribo del avión con 298 civiles en julio.

Los separatistas tendrán un mes para deponer las armas, lo que significa que ese es el plazo para organizar la policía local e integrarse en ella. Además, la ley exige la liberación de rehenes y el desalojo de edificios administrativos.

El líder rebelde Andrei Purgin criticó el acuerdo desde Donetsk insistiendo en que solo la independencia le resulta aceptable: “Cualquier unión política con Ucrania es imposible”.

En una sesión plenaria compartida y conectada por videoconferencia, la Rada y el Parlamento Europeo ratificaron con mayorías holgadas su acuerdo de asociación (351 votos de 450 en Kiev; 535 sobre 697 en Estrasburgo). La ratificación excluye el capítulo económico —el más importante y espinoso a ojos de Rusia— que queda en suspenso hasta 2016. Hasta su entrada en vigor, la UE extenderá el tratamiento comercial preferente de los productos ucranios en territorio europeo.

“Las fuerzas que han tratado de frenarnos ya conocen la derrota”, ha señalado Poroshenko ante la Rada. Con este acuerdo que simboliza el estrechamiento de lazos políticos, Ucrania se compromete a reformar sus instituciones para hacerlas más transparentes y democráticas.

El apartado económico tendrá que esperar. El viernes, el comisario europeo de Comercio, Karel de Gucht, pactó con el ministro de Exteriores ucranio, Pavlo Klimkin, y con el titular de Desarrollo Económico de Rusia, Alexei Ulyukayev, posponer el convenio de libre comercio hasta 2016. “Espero que para entonces, las tres partes hayamos alcanzado una solución. Esta decisión da margen; tenemos 15 meses para discutir y no creo que haya problemas insuperables”, señaló Gucht tras el inesperado frenazo, interpretado como un voto de confianza al alto el fuego con los separatistas.

http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/09/16/actualidad/1410863634_233843.html

Hitting the Pause Button: The "Frozen Conflict" Dilemma in Ukraine

"Georgia's experience with frozen conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia offers lessons for Ukraine."
Denis CorboyWilliam CourtneyKenneth Yalowitz

November 6, 2014
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For some time, Ukraine is likely to host frozen conflicts, in Crimea and the Donbas region. Elections last Sunday in the Russian-armed, rebel-controlled areas of eastern Ukraine reinforced this. Moscow said the vote reflected the "will of the people," but the European Union called the elections "illegal and illegitimate." Ukraine will face difficult realities and painful choices in managing its conflicts. Georgia's experience with frozen conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia offers lessons for Ukraine.

“Frozen conflicts” describe places where fighting took place and has come to an end, yet no overall political solution, such as a peace treaty, has been reached.

There are key differences between the Georgian and Ukrainian conflicts. First, in the Georgian ones, both sides played a role in provoking fighting. After the Soviet collapse in 1991, Russian forces supported separatist Abkhazia and South Ossetia in part to stem Georgian armed efforts to subdue the two regions. In 2008, Georgians used force precipitately in South Ossetia after Russia’s provocation. In contrast, Russia’s seizures of Crimea and parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions were unprovoked by Ukrainian military action.

Second, in its 2008 invasion of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Russia incurred Western criticism, but no lasting ill effects. In contrast, its seizure of territory in Ukraine, breaking explicit international commitments, has led to tough Western sanctions. They are exacerbating capital flight from Russia, an economic downturn and international isolation. These effects may not be alleviated anytime soon.

Third, Russia justified its 2008 intervention in specific terms: preventing Georgia from committing alleged genocide in the separatist regions and avenging the deaths of Russian peacekeepers. Moscow depicts its actions in Ukraine, however, as serving a broader goal, to protect ethnic Russians and Russian speakers abroad wherever they may be endangered. Buttressing this strategy, Russia is waging a nationalistic propaganda campaign alleging that the United States and the West seek to overthrow governments through rightist-led color revolutions.

Despite these differences, aspects of Georgia’s and Ukraine’s frozen conflicts are similar.

Reform should remain Ukraine’s priority:

Like Georgia, Ukraine became more vulnerable to Russian pressure because of bad governance and poverty. Despite being fledgling democracies, the two countries have per capita GDPs less than half that of Russia. People in the occupied regions see material cost in staying with Georgia or Ukraine. When Russia seized Crimea, some older people there exulted to journalists that their pensions would rise.

To entice people in the occupied areas, Ukraine must become more prosperous. This means privatizing state-controlled economic property and slashing wasteful subsidies and regulations that feed corruption and stifle business opportunity. Without progress, support for Ukraine will decline. Western patience with stalled economic reforms, and sky-high corruption and energy inefficiency, is wearing thin.

Avoid hyping the nationalist and revanchist card:

After the 2003 Rose Revolution when Mikheil Saakashvili became president, he played to excess the nationalist card, alienating many of Georgia’s supporters in the West. He often lambasted Russia’s leaders and policies, despite Western counsel that this tiresome refrain ran undue risks for Georgia. Saakashvili’s tactics may have helped egg on Russia to ban wine and others imports from Georgia, freeze high-level dialogue and set the stage for the 2008 war.

Beware of stridency:

Political leaders of the several hundred thousand persons displaced from Abkhazia and South Ossetia pressed Georgian leaders to pursue strident anti-Russian policies and wage insurgency against the occupiers. This pressure sometimes skewed Georgian policies in unhelpful directions. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that over 400,000 persons displaced from occupied zones in Ukraine are residing elsewhere in the country. The new government must maintain focus on reform and security and not jeopardize this by succumbing to strident politics.

Be cautious when it comes to ceasefire arrangements:

After the 2008 invasion, European Union and French president Nicolas Sarkozy negotiated with Russian and Georgian leaders a “provisional cessation of hostilities.” Russia violated it, however, by seizing additional Georgian territory beyond the previous perimeters of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Armed occupiers are encroaching further, moving fence lines. Moscow now proposes a treaty with Abkhazia that would all but incorporate it into Russia.

The Minsk Protocol reached in September, under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, between Russia, Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatists from Donetsk and Luhansk, is unlikely to fare much better than the Georgian ceasefire. Russian forces and rebels continue to wage war, albeit at a lower level. The elections last Sunday violated the Protocol’s promise of early elections in occupied regions under Ukrainian law. Other Protocol pledges—such as OSCE monitoring of the Ukrainian-Russian border and withdrawal of “illegal armed groups”—may not be fulfilled.

Recognize that Kyiv has no writ in occupied areas:

This winter, the occupied areas in Ukraine will face severe economic conditions. Leaders in Kyiv will want to help suffering citizens. Armed rebels, however, would seize any aid Kyiv sent and monetize it for their own purposes. Like Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the occupied areas of Ukraine will become poles of corruption and criminality. Ukraine should protect itself from this threat. At the same time, it ought to reduce the risks of new tensions by providing, at market prices, vital support services to the occupied areas, such as electricity and water. And Kyiv needs to continue person-to-person contacts and encourage the work of NGO’s in eastern Ukraine.

Do not expect much military help from the West:

In the six years since the Russian invasion of Georgia, the West has yet to supply it with significant defensive weapons, such as anti-armor and anti-air. Despite President Petro Poroshenko’s eloquent plea to a joint session of the U.S. Congress in September for such weaponry, Washington has yet to approve it. Like Georgia, Ukraine will have to acquire it from others. Contrary to their deterrence strategy for NATO allies, Western leaders seem to believe that arming Georgia and Ukraine would provoke, rather than help deter, Russian aggression.

Look to Georgia as a model for improving the business climate:

Substantial economic aid from the International Monetary Fund and the West is flowing to Ukraine, but sustaining it will require more reform. In one area – the quality of the business climate -- Ukraine ought to look to Georgia’s example. The World Bank’s most recent Ease of Doing Business index ranks Georgia near the top, 15th place out of 189 countries. Ukraine languishes in 96th place. Saakashvili’s anti-corruption reforms did much to catapult Georgia to a rank that exceeds even Canada.

Frozen conflicts can melt

The 2008 Russian-Georgian war demonstrated that frozen conflicts can become hot. Russia’s renewed military buildup near Ukraine and its dispatch of military supply convoys to the separatist areas underscores that the frozen conflicts in Ukraine will likely be unstable. Russia may even seek to seize more Ukrainian territory to create a land bridge to Crimea.

Ukraine must look first of all to its own resources to deal with its crises. International support in key areas, however, will be critical: financing of reforms through the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the IMF, the World Bank and the EU; coordinated efforts aimed at influencing Russia’s strategic choices; and diplomacy to discourage international acquiescence to Russian aggrandizement in Ukraine. To sustain this support, Ukraine’s new president and parliament should lose no time in moving toward a reform course.

Given the pressure from Western sanctions, falling oil prices, the declining ruble and capital flight, Russia will be hard pressed to provide much aid to Crimea and eastern Ukraine, where war damage is substantial. Over time, Ukraine’s best strategy for recovering these beleaguered regions will be to improve its economy and governance, and strengthen productive linkages with the West and other neighbors.

Denis Corboy, visiting senior research fellow at King's College London, was European Union ambassador to Armenia and Georgia.

William Courtney, adjunct senior fellow at the nonprofit, nonpartisan RAND Corporation, was U.S. ambassador to Georgia and Kazakhstan.

Kenneth Yalowitz, a Wilson Center Global Fellow, was U.S. ambassador to Belarus and Georgia.

Ucrania reclama ayuda urgente a la UE para evitar la quiebra
Bruselas evita comprometerse pero anuncia más ayudas para 2015
Lucía Abellán Bruselas 16 DIC 2014 - 23:27 CET


El enfrentamiento con Rusia ha colocado a Ucrania en una situación económica límite. “Para poder superar 2015 necesitamos desesperadamente un paquete de ayuda financiera”, enfatizó ayer el primer ministro ucranio, Arseni Yatseniuk, en una conferencia pronunciada en Bruselas. Arropado por sus principales ministros, Yatseniuk quiso aprovechar su presencia en la capital de Europa para alertar de que su país vive una situación muy delicada, que no podrá superar en solitario.

El líder ucranio trazó un panorama inquietante: la economía se ha contraído un 7%, la producción industrial ha caído un 10%, el Gobierno ha despedido al 10% de los funcionarios y ha eliminado programas de protección social y agencias públicas. A pesar de todo, las arcas públicas han recaudado un 5% más, una cifra que Yatseniuk presentó como muestra de su lucha contra la corrupción y la economía sumergida. “Haremos todo lo que sea necesario, pero necesitamos ayuda para estabilizar la economía, el sector fiscal y financiero y para superar este periodo histórico turbulento y complicado”, abundó en un acto organizado por la casa de análisis European Policy Centre.

La Unión Europea prefiere aguardar antes de comprometer más ayuda. Los jefes de Estado y de Gobierno discutirán los aprietos de Ucrania en la cumbre que comienza mañana en Bruselas y es posible que manifiesten alguna intención. Más allá de esa cita, la Comisión Europea da por segura una ayuda adicional a Kiev en el marco de la conferencia de donantes que se está organizando para principios de 2015. “Seguro que la UE hará un anuncio allí”, avanza un portavoz comunitario.

Ucrania reclama unos 12.000 millones de euros para evitar la quiebra, cantidad que duplica lo que el club comunitario ha prometido a Kiev para este año y el próximo. Desde que se aprobó el marco de asistencia financiera, el pasado marzo, Bruselas ha desembolsado algo más de 1.000 millones y en las próximas semanas espera aprobar otra entrega. Yatseniuk asegura que su país ha recibido algo más de 7.000 millones de diferentes instituciones, pero que en este periodo ha tenido que abonar 11.000 millones en vencimientos de deudas. El líder ucranio apeló a la UE, al FMI y al G7. “También al G20”, añadió su ministra de Finanzas, Natalia Yaresko, uno de los tres miembros del nuevo Gobierno que acaba de recibir la nacionalidad ucrania. Yaresko es estadounidense de origen —aunque de familia ucrania—, una baza importante a la hora de negociar con Washington y Bruselas la asistencia financiera que reclama su país.

La UE está dispuesta a ayudar a Ucrania, pero quiere asegurarse de que ese dinero se invierte en reformar el país y acercarlo a los estándares europeos. “Necesitamos una estrategia de reformas a la que podamos responder y estar seguros de que nuestro apoyo y nuestra inversión dan frutos a largo plazo”, alega un portavoz comunitario de Asuntos Financieros.

Con un detallado recuento de las reformas que están aplicando en la justicia, las fuerzas de seguridad y la economía, el Gobierno de Yatseniuk se desplazó el lunes a Bruselas para participar en el primer encuentro del Consejo de Asociación, el órgano que supervisará los avances del acuerdo de asociación que vincula a ambos territorios y cuyo rechazo por el anterior presidente, Víctor Yanukóvich, originó las revueltas iniciadas en Kiev hace más de un año.

En el flanco de las sanciones a Rusia, Estados Unidos anunció ayer que prepara nuevos castigos para finales de semana, según Josh Earnest, portavoz de la Casa Blanca. Los líderes comunitarios sólo tienen previsto añadir más nombres a la lista de sancionados por la desestabilización de Ucrania y un endurecimiento del embargo a Crimea.

Poroshenko recibe como héroes a los militares liberados en el Este
El canje, el más importante desde el comienzo del conflicto a mediados de abril, concluyó el sábado con la entrega de tres militares y un civil ucranianos detenidos en la república separatista ...
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El presidente ucraniano Poroshenko (d) da la bienvenida a los soldados liberados a su llegada a un aeropuerto cercano a Kiev (AFP)

AFP 28/12/2014 01:43 AM

Kiev

El presidente ucraniano, Petro Poroshenko, recibió el sábado como héroes a los militares ucranianos liberados a cambio de 222 rebeldes en el este separatista prorruso, en el marco del acuerdo logrado esta semana en conversaciones en Minsk.

El canje, el más importante desde el comienzo del conflicto a mediados de abril, concluyó el sábado con la entrega de tres militares y un civil ucranianos detenidos en la república separatista de Lugansk, anuncio Poroshenko en Twitter, tras recibir en la madrugada del viernes al sábado a 145 militares que fueron liberados en un aeródromo militar de Kiev.

El viernes, los dos bandos llevaron a cabo un canje de cientos de prisioneros en la región rebelde vecina de Donetsk, que tuvo lugar en una ruta cerca de la ciudad de Kostiantinivka (a 45 km al norte del bastión rebelde de Donetsk).

Se trató en total de 222 insurgentes -hombres y mujeres- y de 146 soldados ucranianos, aunque uno de estos últimos, se negó a regresar a Kiev alegando que era de origen ruso y que desaprobaba los actos del ejército ucraniano en el este del país.
"Los mejores guerreros"

"Como presidente y ciudadano, estoy encantado de que puedan celebrar el Año Nuevo con sus familias, como había prometido", declaró Poroshenko ante los militares liberados, según un comunicado de la presidencia.

"Ustedes han aguantado, no nos han traicionado, han mostrado las mejores cualidades de los guerreros ucranianos", les dijo el mandatario tras estrecharles la mano, como puede verse en un vídeo difundido por el gobierno.

El intercambio de presos es el único acuerdo tangible al que llegaron el miércoles los bandos enfrentados, en una reunión del grupo de contacto compuesto por representantes de Kiev, de Moscú, de la Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa (OSCE) y de los separatistas prorrusos.

Las negociaciones deberían haber proseguido el viernes, pero no tuvieron lugar. Los rebeldes reclaman principalmente que vuelva la financiación de las regiones en su poder, cortada por Kiev a mediados de noviembre. Exigen, además, "un estatuto especial" que conceda mayor autonomía a las regiones de Donetsk y Lugansk.

El estatuto ya estaba previsto en los acuerdos firmados en septiembre en Minsk. Pero según el gobierno ucraniano y los occidentales, los rebeldes minaron esos acuerdos al organizar unas elecciones a principios de noviembre, consideradas ilegítimas por la comunidad internacional y el gobierno ucraniano.

El primer encuentro en Minsk, en septiembre, ya intentó poner fin a un conflicto que ha causado más de 4.700 muertos en ocho meses. Ucrania y los rebeldes se acusaron mutuamente, en repetidas ocasiones, de querer minar el proceso de paz.

El emisario de la autoproclamada república separatista de Donetsk, Denis Pushilin, declaró el sábado que la fecha del próximo encuentro "dependerá de Minsk y de los representantes de Rusia". El emisario de Lugansk, Vladislav Deinego, dijo que deseaba que ese encuentro tuviera lugar antes de fin de año.

Por su parte, el Kremlin publicó el viernes la nueva versión de la doctrina militar de Rusia, aprobada por su presidente Vladimir Putin, que apunta a la OTAN como una amenaza fundamental para la seguridad del país, poco después de un simbólico voto en el parlamento ucraniano sobre el abandono del estatuto de país no alineado, una decisión que permitirá a Ucrania en un futuro pedir su adhesión a la OTAN.
Carbón y electricidad rusas para Kiev

En un gesto de buena voluntad, Rusia anunció el sábado su intención de proveer de carbón y electricidad sin necesidad de pagos por adelantado a Ucrania, que apenas logra cubrir sus necesidades energéticas por el conflicto.

Rusia proveerá de electricidad a Ucrania al precio aplicado en el mercado interior ruso, muy inferior al que está en vigor en el territorio ucraniano, y se ha comprometido a entregarles hasta un millón de toneladas de carbón al mes.

El primer ministro ucraniano, Arseni Yatseniuk, alertó de las dificultades de Ucrania para cubrir sus necesidades eléctricas, lo que ha provocado frecuentes cortes de luz en varias regiones del país, así como en la península de Crimea, que pasó en marzo de Ucrania al territorio ruso.
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Separatistas de Donetsk se reunirán con militares ucranianos
Con la reunión, este lunes a mediodía, buscan impulsar el cumplimiento de los acuerdos de paz para el este de Ucrania.
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En el este de Ucrania siguen los combates entre soldados y opositores.
(Shamil Zhumatov/Reuters)

EFE 28/12/2014 10:27 AM

Moscú

Representantes de la autoproclamada república popular de Donetsk (RPD) se reunirán mañana, lunes, con militares ucranianos para impulsar el cumplimiento de los acuerdos de paz para el este de Ucrania, informó hoy la oficina de prensa de la entidad separatista prorrusa.

"Las partes intentarán llegar un acuerdo sobre el cumplimiento de los acuerdos de Minsk, hallar puntos de coincidencia y elaborar una postura consensuada", señala el comunicado.

La reunión está prevista para el mediodía local (09:00 GMT) y tendrá lugar en la Casa de Gobierno de la ciudad de Donetsk, la principal plaza fuerte de los separatistas prorrusos en el este de Ucrania.

El miércoles pasado, el Grupo de Contacto para el arreglo del conflicto en el este de Ucrania, en él participan representantes de Ucrania, Rusia, la OSCE y los separatistas prorrusos, celebró una reunión en la capital bielorrusa en la que se acordó un canje masivo de prisioneros, que tuvo lugar al día siguiente.

Estaba prevista la celebración de una segunda ronda de negociaciones este viernes, pero fue cancelada a última hora por desacuerdos sobre la agenda.

El intercambio de prisioneros ha sido el último avance, tras la tregua acordada el pasado 9 de diciembre, en el proceso de negociador para el arreglo pacífico al conflicto, que se ha cobrado cerca de 5 mil muertos y provocado el éxodo de cientos de miles de refugiados.

Sigue pendiente el cumplimiento de una serie de puntos del Memorándum de Minsk, sellado el 19 de septiembre pasado, como el repliegue del armamento pesado, la creación de una zona de seguridad de treinta kilómetros de profundidad y la apertura de corredores para cargas humanitarias.

Toman separatistas aeropuerto de Donetsk



NTX
Moscú, Rusia (16 enero 2015).- Las milicias de la República Popular de Donetsk tomaron el control del aeropuerto de la ciudad, tras expulsar a las fuerzas ucranianas.



Según el Ministerio de Defensa de la autoproclamada República, entre los escombros de una de las terminales del aeropuerto aún se encuentran algunos soldados ucranianos y al mismo tiempo, se subraya que el tiroteo ha cesado.

"Hoy podemos anunciar la toma de control sobre el aeropuerto de Donetsk y sus alrededores", indicó el Ministerio en un comunicado.

En el escrito se precisó que unos 10 soldados ucranianos todavía permanecen en la construcción de la nueva terminal del aeropuerto, pero han dejado de ofrecer resistencia y se espera que dejen el inmueble.

En los últimos días se ha observado en la región una escalada del conflicto con violaciones cada vez más frecuentes de la última tregua declarada el 9 de diciembre, reportó el canal ruso de noticias Sputnik antes RIA Novosti.

Este repunte del conflicto se produce en medio de preparativos para un nuevo encuentro del Grupo de Contacto para Ucrania, conformado por la Organización para la Seguridad y Cooperación Europea (OSCE), Rusia y Ucrania, y los independentistas de Donetsk y Lugansk.

Las autoridades de Ucrania lanzaron a mediados de abril una operación especial contra las milicias separatistas prorrusas, que se levantaron en armas luego que fue destituido del poder el Presidente Yanukovich.

El conflicto ha causado desde el abril de 2014 más de cuatro mil 800 muertos y casi 10 mil 500 heridos, según las últimas estimaciones de Naciones Unidas.

Hora de publicación: 04:19 hrs.

Retoma Kiev aeropuerto de Donetsk

El Presidente ucraniano, Petro Poroshenko, y el Primer Ministro, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, sostienen pancartas en las que se lee "Yo soy Volnovaja", localidad donde 13 civiles perdieron la vida. Foto: AP

El Presidente ucraniano, Petro Poroshenko, y el Primer Ministro, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, sostienen pancartas en las que se lee "Yo soy Volnovaja", localidad donde 13 civiles perdieron la vida. Foto: AP

El Presidente ucraniano, Petro Poroshenko, y el Primer Ministro, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, sostienen pancartas en las que se lee "Yo soy Volnovaja", localidad donde 13 civiles perdieron la vida. Foto: AP


AFP
Kiev, Ucrania (18 enero 2015).- Con la ayuda de una decena de carros de combate, el Ejército ucraniano puso fin el sábado por la noche a la virulenta ofensiva que lanzaron contra el aeropuerto de Donetsk los separatistas hace dos días para tratar de conquistar este lugar estratégico y simbólico.

Notas Relacionadas
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Mueren 2 niños por combates en Donetsk
Los ucranianos aseguran que han creado un pasillo hacia el aeropuerto que permitirá la llegada de refuerzos y la evacuación de las víctimas.

"Nuestros militares han logrado limpiar prácticamente el recinto del aeropuerto", dijo el portavoz militar ucraniano Andrei Lysenko.

Esta operación no viola la tregua instaurada a principios de diciembre ya que las tropas ucranianas no cruzaron la línea del frente establecida en los acuerdos de paz de Minsk, aseguró.

A lo largo de la noche se oyeron disparos de artillería hasta en el centro de la ciudad de Donetsk y se intensificaron por la mañana, según periodistas en el lugar.

Parte de los transportes públicos dejaron de funcionar y los comercios permanecieron cerrados en este feudo rebelde.

Los combates dejaron tres muertos entre los militares y 31 heridos en 24 horas, según el ejército ucraniano. Otro soldado perdió la vida en otra zona del conflicto.

Asimismo, al menos cinco civiles, entre ellos dos niños, perecieron en bombardeos en la región de Donetsk también en las últimas 24 horas, según las autoridades rebeldes y ucranianas.

"Durante toda la noche, los obuses volaron por encima de nuestro edificio. La artillería rebelde dispara desde un barrio residencial en dirección al aeropuerto", contó a la AFP Margarita, una habitante de Donetsk.

"Por la mañana, los soldados ucranianos empezaron a bombardearnos. La gente se metió en refugios. Ardieron muchos vehículos. Da miedo. Desde agosto no había tenido tanto miedo", confesó Svetlana Savenko, una médico que vive a mitad de camino hacia el aeropuerto.

Preocupación en Rusia


Las autoridades rusas se mostraron preocupadas por la intensificación de los combates en el este de Ucrania, lo que ha llevado al Presidente ruso, Vladimir Putin, a escribir una carta a su homólogo ucraniano Petro Poroshenko proponiéndole la retirada de las armas pesadas del frente.

"Estamos sumamente preocupados por el desarrollo de la situación. Los bombardeos de los barrios residenciales se han reanudado en Donetsk y hay muertos de nuevo", declaró el portavoz del Kremlin Dimitri Peskov, citado por las agencias rusas.

En Kiev y en otras grandes ciudades ucranianas, miles de personas rindieron homenaje a las víctimas del conflicto que ha dejado más de 4 mil 800 muertos desde abril.

En la capital ucraniana, los manifestantes desfilaron en el centro de la ciudad antes de reunirse en Maidán, la plaza central de Kiev y lugar de las protestas pro europeas que expulsaron del poder al Presidente pro ruso Viktor Yanukovich.

Tanto Poroshenko como el Primer Ministro Arseni Yatseniuk participaron en la manifestación junto con representantes religiosos, entre ellos, un responsable musulmán y un rabino.

Los responsables religiosos pidieron a los ucranianos que oraran en memoria de los muertos pero también por la victoria contra los rebeldes y la vuelta de la paz.

"Vamos a vencer. Habrá paz en Ucrania. El ocupante será expulsado del territorio ucraniano", dijo Poroshenko.

Kiev y Occidente acusan a Rusia de armar a los rebeldes y de desplegar tropas en Ucrania, lo que desmiente Moscú.

El patriarca Filaret, jefe de la Iglesia ortodoxa de Kiev, celebró una liturgia en memoria de todos los que perecieron en el Este y más particularmente en Volnovaja, localidad donde 13 civiles perdieron la vida el martes en un autobús durante el bombardeos contra un retén del ejército ucraniano.

La mayoría de los manifestantes enarbolaron una hoja de papel con la inscripción: "Yo soy Volnovakha", en alusión a la acción de solidaridad internacional con las víctimas del ataque terrorista contra la publicación satírica francesa Charlie Hebdo.
Hora de publicación: 19:03 hrs

Kiev impone el estado de emergencia en las regiones de Donetsk y Lugansk

lainformacion.com

lunes, 26/01/15 - 14:20
[ ]

El Parlamento ucraniano descartó que se proponga abordar la imposición del estado de excepción tras el ataque rebelde del sábado contra la ciudad de Mariúpol.

Kiev impone el estado de emergencia en las regiones de Donetsk y Lugansk

El Gobierno ucraniano impuso el estado de emergencia en las regiones de Donetsk y Lugansk, donde las milicias prorrusas han lanzado una ofensiva para reconquistar los territorios bajo control gubernamental.

"El Gobierno ha tomado la decisión de introducir el régimen de alerta máxima. El objetivo de tal decisión es la plena coordinación de las actividades de todos los órganos de poder para garantizar la seguridad de los ciudadanos", anunció Arseni Yatseniuk, primer ministro ucraniano.

El Parlamento ucraniano descartó hoy que se proponga abordar mañana, martes, la imposición del estado de excepción tras el ataque rebelde del sábado contra la ciudad de Mariúpol (mar de Azov), que se cobró 30 muertos y un centenar de heridos.

REPORTS: Pro-Moscow rebels just captured a key Ukrainian town

Tomas Hirst

Feb. 17, 2015, 6:03 AM
1,487
8



Reports in Russian media suggest that pro-Russian rebels have taken the railway town of Debaltseve from besieged Ukrainian government forces.

The rebels claim that most of the city is now under the control of armed groups loyal to the breakaway Donetsk People's Republic, according to Riga-based online newspaper and news aggregator Meduza.io. The article cites Ukrainian journalist Andrew Tsaplienko as saying that the police department and the railway station have been taken.

Independent Russian news service Interfax is reporting that 300 Ukrainian soldiers have given themselves up to become prisoners in the town, citing a representative of the separatist militia.

Debaltseve is of central strategic importance to both sides as it is a key railway hub and sits deep in an area that is mostly controlled by the separatists. Its loss would signal a consolidation of the gains made by the rebels against government forces over recent months, that NATO, the US and Europe believe was achieved with Russian assistance.

The official Twitter account of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine has acknowledged that there has been heavy fighting around the town but earlier claimed that Ukrainian forces had been able to hold their positions.

UPDATE. Intense fighting near #Debaltseve train station. Ukrainian forces hold their positions.
— NSDC of Ukraine (@NSDC_ua) February 17, 2015

The move comes just days since a new ceasefire agreement came into effect in the country. Ukraine's President Petro Poroshenko ordered his troops to stop firing at 10pm on Saturday local time. However, there have been widespread reports that fighting continued between government forces and pro-Moscow rebels around Debaltseve.

Even as the deal was being signed, Kiev reported that 50 tanks and 40 missile systems were spotted crossing the border into Ukraine from Russia, in what many saw as an effort to shore up the rebel position in disputed areas before the ceasefire came into force.

Poroshenko has asked for a comprehensive ceasefire to be respected in order for peace monitors from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to be able to enter the town.

Ukraine's military is facing a make or break moment

Jeremy Bender

Feb. 17, 2015, 1:00 PM
3,824
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A city critical to the Ukrainian military may have fallen to Russian-backed separatists, despite the existence of a ceasefire in the country. And it could get ugly.

Citing claims made by the separatists to the Associated Press, The Guardian has reported that the Ukrainian city of Debaltseve has fallen to the rebels. If the claims are true, approximately 8,000 Ukrainian troops are at risk of being encircled, captured, and/or killed by the invading separatist troops.

UkraineReuters


Debaltseve is a crucial railway hub that serves to bring coal into the rest of Ukraine.




Aside from the energy dimension, the city serves as a possible bulwark where Ukraine can easily transport troops to the front line in any future move to retake the separatist-controlled cities of Donetsk and Luhansk.

The capture of Debaltseve would also allow separatists to easily ferry soldiers throughout eastern Ukraine by train.

Reuters is reporting that Ukraine's Defense Ministry has so far denied that any large number of its service personnel have been taken prisoner in the city, although a group of service members has been captured.

The Financial Times reported that Putin is said to have referred to the town as a "boiler" in which several thousand soldiers could possibly be killed.



Ukrainian armed forces take their position near Debaltseve, eastern Ukraine February 16, 2015. Ukrainian armed forces are not ready to withdraw heavy weapons, as agreed at the Minsk four-power peace talks, because separatists are violating the ceasefire, a Kiev military spokesman said on Monday.

Since the Ukrainian ceasefire went into effect midnight on Sunday in Ukraine, Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty reports that Ukrainian forces have suffered near constant attack from the separatists.

On February 16, separatists fired more than 100 artillery shells into the town in a space of 24 hours. Following the bombardment, the rebels offered to open a safe corridor for Ukrainian troops to retreat from the city and surrender the territory despite the ceasefire.

As fighting continues in Deblatseve, the Ukrainian military has refused to pull their artillery and heavy weapons away from the front lines, the first point of the agreed upon ceasefire, due to the continuation of rebel fire.

"The pre-condition for withdrawal of heavy weapons is fulfilling Point One of the Minsk agreements - the ceasefire. One hundred and twelve attacks are not an indicator of a ceasefire. At the moment we are not ready to withdraw heavy weapons," Ukrainian military spokesman Andriy Lysenko said at a news briefing in Kiev.



Cannons of the Ukrainian armed forces are seen at their positions near Debaltseve, eastern Ukraine, February 17, 2015.

The Ukrainian refusal to appease the separatists and pull back its troops from Debaltseve threatens to destroy the entirety of the ceasefire as the separatists also refuse to pull back their artillery. This heavy weapon withdrawal was meant to take place on February 17 as the second step of the ceasefire.

The AP has reported that Ukraine's presidential office has called on the EU and NATO to condemn the rebels for breaking the ceasefire. Meanwhile, Ukrainian commanders are pleading that Kiev sends help.

"Appeal to the Supreme Commander requesting the adoption of immediate solutions, delivering powerful blow to the Russian-terrorist troops, the conclusion of blocked parts and alignment of the front line," one commander wrote on Facebook (translated by Google). "The main thing - to keep the core combat-ready units. We are ready to execute any order. We will not allow any panic, but it is time to act."

Ukraine's Mariupol still on edge as fighting wanes
Despite the ceasefire, key industrial city is a strategic focus of Russian-backed rebel forces.

John Wendle | 08 Mar 2015 05:56 GMT | War & Conflict, Europe, Ukraine, Russia
Rebel forces are eyeing Mariupol - the largest government-held city in guerrilla-controlled Donetsk [John Wendle/Al Jazeera]

Mariupol, Ukraine - Glowing red sparks burst and skitter across the concrete floor around a giant furnace as men at Ilyich Iron and Steel Works monitor the rolling of glowing slabs.

The works are cavernous, so big it feels like a skyscraper could be built here on its side. Here and there a surprisingly small number of steelworkers pass giant placards exhorting them, Soviet style, to higher standards.

This is one of Ukraine's largest steel plants and it is squarely in the sights of Russian-backed rebels who have a front line just down the coast from Mariupol.
Hand painted murals adorn the floor of the Ilyich Iron and Steel Works in Mariupol [John Wendle/Al Jazeera]

The self-styled Donetsk People's Republic will need to capture Ilyich and its nearby sister plant Azovstal, also owned by billionaire oligarch Rinat Akhmetov, in order to create anything resembling a functioning economy for the unrecognised state - and they know it.

Ceasefire or not, everyone in Mariupol remains tense.

When asked about the possibility of taking Mariupol, the largest government-held city in rebel-controlled Donetsk province, Denis Pushilin, a rebel politician involved in peace talks, said: "We'll do everything possible to make it happen through political means," Russian media reported.

The government in Kiev said the rebels are playing an even more shadowy game, trying to destabilise an already shaky situation in a town briefly controlled by rebels early in the conflict and home to potentially large population of people who sympathise with the cause.

A woman passes a sign for a bomb shelter in Vostochniy, a neighbourhood in Mariupol near the front line [John Wendle/Al Jazeera]

"They are intentionally bombing Avdiivka to destroy the coke plant, so that Mariupol's factories close, so there's a social revolt in Mariupol," said Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, during a television interview last Friday.

Though shelling continues near the coking plant at Avdiivka, the work somehow goes on - albeit at a much smaller scale and at great risk.

"Last night, a piece of shrapnel from another shell struck our natural gas pipeline. We responded quickly and continue to work," wrote Avdiivka's general director Musa Magomedov on his Facebook page, adding they now "wait for a real peace. Even though spring also seemed infinitely far away, it is now here".

Magomedov's tone was hopeful, but, even if there is peace, the situation in the Donbas - the economically depressed industrial basin that makes up Donetsk and Luhansk provinces - is already dire. Towns such as Avdiivka, Mariupol, Debaltseve, Luhansk, Antrasyt and Krasnodon form links in a vast industrial chain that once was the pride of the Soviet coal and steel industry.

Steelworkers manoeuvre scrap into a melting oven [John Wendle/Al Jazeera]

Long neglected by Kiev and in need of a profound overhaul of infrastructure that was made impossible by corruption at the highest levels - after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Donbas slowly slipped into the grip of oligarchs, poverty and irrelevance.

Rebel leaders, however, see the formidable empire that Akhmetov built, and envision a way to fund their state.

Yuriy Zinchenko, general director of Metinvest's Ilyich steelworks, agreed that Mariupol is now a strategic goal for the rebels, but he disagreed about the economics.

"Everything has already been destroyed," he said. "I would say that almost all - that 95 percent of the logistics infrastructure, railroads and et cetera - have been destroyed. It's the biggest problem we have," he said.

But that doesn't seem to matter to the rebels and the government - both sides still want the city.

"If fighting breaks out in the city then nothing will be left of it," said Zinchenko.

He said the company is continuing to pay salaries - which, along with Azovstal employs 10 percent of the city, and is investing in infrastructure for the future.

"We've heard no shelling for a few days, so that's some positive news at least," he said.

A steelworker at Ilyich Iron and Steel Works [John Wendle/Al Jazeera]

That Mariupol would be a gem in the crown of the rebels makes people here nervous. And few say the current ceasefire - though more respected than the first - will last.

What is more, Mariupol's geographic situation puts it in the crosshairs, since the city lies along what people here are calling the "land bridge" - the strip of territory down Ukraine's southeastern coast that, if conquered, would link rebel-controlled territory in the east to Russian-controlled Crimea.

In a dilapidated boarding house near Red Lighthouse St, people from outlying villages have sought refuge from the fighting. The most recent influx of displaced people has been from Shyrokyne, the scene of continued shelling, a small village lying between rebel and government territory on the coast.
A fighter with the volunteer Azov Battalion at a base in Mariupol [John Wendle/Al Jazeera]

"There were tanks here and tanks there, everyone shooting at each other. And we were just sitting there, shaking underground. It was pure animal fear," said Vera Logozinskaya, a retired fish factory worker outside the boarding house. "God forbid the same thing happens here."

Few said the ceasefire will last.

Igor, a taxi driver who ferries train passengers in his old Hyundai from Berdyansk to Mariupol - the train does not run here any more after a rail bridge was blown in January - said he sees fewer military vehicles heading towards the front these days.

"Before the ceasefire, there were always lots of military columns on the road heading into Mariupol. Now there are less, but there are still some heading towards the front."

Across the road from the giant belching stacks of Azovstal, a small group of fishermen late last week stood on a trash strewn bank, hoping to get a nibble from the polluted waters beat to a hard silver finish by the setting sun.

Valery Govailchuk, a retired steelworker, cast his rod towards the opposite bank as water poured into the river through a rusty sluice that runs under Azovstal from the Sea of Azov. He was cynical and jaded, but not nervous.

"It's not fighting over there, they're just taking potshots at each other while they wait for those in power to decide what's next," Govailchuk told Al Jazeera. "I'll keep fishing here until Putin decides to take Mariupol for real."

Detenido en España el último ministro de Finanzas de Ucrania tras fugarse

lainformacion.com

miércoles, 04/03/15 - 19:03
[ ]

Yuri Kolovo fue ministro en el último gabinete del derrocado presidente ucraniano Viktor Yanukovich.
La operación continúa abierta por lo que podrían practicarse nuevas detenciones.

Detenido en España el último ministro de Finanzas de Yanukovich, buscado por Interpol

La Guardia Civil ha detenido al ex ministro de Finanzas de Ucrania Yuri Kolobov, quien se encontraba en España tras fugarse de su país, según han confirmado a Europa Press fuentes de la investigación. Kolobov fue ministro en el último gabinete del derrocado presidente ucraniano Viktor Yanukovich.

Estas mismas fuentes han precisado que la operación continúa abierta por lo que podrían practicarse nuevas detenciones. Kolobov se encontraba instalado en la Comunidad Valenciana cuando fue arrestado, han informado las mismas fuentes.

Sobre este dirigente ucraniano pesaba una orden internacional detención emitida por Interpol. En concreto, este organismo internacional le tenía como una de las personas más buscadas sobre las que aplica el 'distintivo rojo'. Según se indica, estaba reclamado por las autoridades ucranianas para cumplir una sentencia.
Delitos cometidos

Los datos facilitados por Interpol le vinculan a los delitos de "apropiación indebida, malversación de fondos o la conversión de bienes por malversación". Según detalla esta información, las cantidades malversadas alcanzarían "una cantidad especialmente grave" y apunta a su implicación con "un grupo organizado".

En la alerta de Interpol sobre Yury Kolobov se aportan además datos personales como su nombre, su edad (41 años) o lugar de nacimiento, Pavlograd (Ucrania). También se detalla que habla ucraniano, ruso e inglés.noticias.lainformacion.com/espana/detenido-en-espana-el-ultimo-ministro-de-finanzas-de-ucrania-tras-fugarse_5eUEkpix5RY2TaTwRFV7u4/

The Battle Untold: Ukraine and the Old Socialist Republic
By
Anant Mishra
Issue
Net Edition
| Date : 28 Feb , 2015

After a very long time, Europe is gripped in an armed conflict within its continent. From 2013 pro democracy protests in Kiev, to President Victor Yanukovych ousting, the situation rapidly escalated. Amid the situation, Russia felt this an absolute moment to protect its strategic interest in the region, which she felt threatened.

Putin’s administration openly declared that the new government posed “grave threat” to the Russian ethnic people, a hint for Russian-speakers angry about a controversial but minor law promoting the Ukrainian language in schools and colleges.

The protest resulted due to a failed economic partnership agreement between the President Yanukovych and the European Union, which had been in negotiation for years. “Just like that” Ukraine decided to walk away from the negotiating table. This incident happened shortly after Moscow signed a US $15 billion aid package, which was a clear “naked bribe” to the Ukrainian government. It didn’t take much long to realise what had happened, national commentator’s realised quickly: Ukraine would stop becoming Putin’s “Eurasian Union” rather than a self sustaining post Soviet nation such as Poland or other Balkan states.

Shocked by this “open” corruption, protestors took their anguish to the Maidan square in Kiev and occupied it for weeks. Police presence was heavy outside the parliament in Kiev, facing the Maidan and to attract global attention protestors used mainstream techniques followed by camera shots on brutal strike by Kiev policemen. Molotov cocktails never went out of stock. On 26th February, Ukraine submitted a detail report on the incident to the Security Council along with steps to resolve.

Although Moscow lost its battle, as Brussels signed the EU Economic Partnership agreement another step towards full EU membership. However, the Putin government had another card up its sleeve.

The once EU affiliated Ukraine threatened the end of Russia’s uncontested dominion of the Black Sea, seeing a strategic threat in its own backyard, Moscow became desperate.

Putin’s administration openly declared that the new government posed “grave threat” to the Russian ethnic people, a hint for Russian-speakers angry about a controversial but minor law promoting the Ukrainian language in schools and colleges.

Supported by the Crimean government of Simferopol, Yanukovych loyalists helped Russians with supplies and safe passage to Crimea, and declared themselves as protectors of “Russian language”, and promptly held a referendum in the occupied Crimean peninsula in order to legitimize the transfer of territory to Russia.

Looking at the power projection potential and naval strategic importance of Crimea many experts saw this as a convincing argument: Russia’s geo strategic interests on one side, Crimean peninsula (which was previously in the Soviet government of Nikita Khrushchev, a Ukrainian by birth) on the other.

The situation can only be resolved, if there are powerful nations involved in it. Peace is indispensible if we want to avoid another Balkan conflict.

What happened was very much expected, Eastern Oblasts of Ukraine, specifically Donetsk and Luhansk, proclaimed themselves independent with the city officials alleging themselves to Russia. The new government declared them rebels and fighting is still going on today.

The situation can only be resolved, if there are powerful nations involved in it. Peace is indispensible if we want to avoid another Balkan conflict.

Discussion of the Issue

The conflict is surrounded by two sides, the sovereign nation Ukraine, and the rebels backed by Russia. The United Nations Security Council was called to contain the situation and to maintain peace in the region, as clearly stated in the Article V of the Charter of the United Nations. Hence it was imperative to bring a viable solution which both the nations could agree, as clearly stated in the mandate of Security Council.

On 28th February 2014, Ukraine put a formal request and invoked Articles 34, 35 and 37 to call an emergency session of the UNSC. Less than a month later, Russia occupied Crimea and the General Assembly declared its commitment to Ukrainian territorial sovereignty.

“International law” has victimised Ukraine and ripped apart its sovereignty. Russia has again proved her under minded intelligence services, military tactics and use of Special Forces in achieving what once this Soviet Socialist did.

The battle lines were drawn. Irrespective of all the understanding, diplomacy, and sovereign nation was breached, which led to grave political instability and not forget huge loss of lives.

Relevant History

In military history we call it “violation of international law and the national interest of 19th century”. When Soviet Union fell, Ukraine was left in possession of a few Soviet nuclear weapons. This situation was resolved as Ukraine signed the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and handed the nuclear weapons to Russia.

This resulted in the “Budapest Memorandum”, which later came to be known as “Ukraine Memorandum of Security Assurances”. The memorandum clearly stated the prevention of any power nation such as US, the Russian Federation and UK in politically and economically coercing Ukraine, rather assisting the Ukraine if any nations does so (particularly with the Nuclear Weapons that had just been relinquished). With reference to the current situation, the treaty is violated and Ukraine is being coerced in all possible ways. As a matter of fact Russia has coerced Ukraine both economically and militarily, both the US and UK have failed to prevent it.

“International law” has victimised Ukraine and ripped apart its sovereignty. Russia has again proved her under minded intelligence services, military tactics and use of Special Forces in achieving what once this Soviet Socialist did.

In order to deescalate the situation, both the nations have to compromise. The root cause of the violence is “an already aware fact”: The new Kiev government, the old Crimean reality, and the separatist movement in the east. All lack the true visual facts, “Ukraine is the true land of Ukrainians”.

However the United Nations is equipped in this situation to grant legitimacy. Old habits die hard, as for Putin’s “I can take Kiev in 2 weeks”. Thus, threatening the whole frameworks of Kiev’s fundamental policy.

Russia will not hesitate to expand its political agenda’s by any means, along with vetoing any resolution that pose a threat to her in UNSC.

The problem is not how the fundamental laws are threatened, the problem is how these laws were made, and that eventually led to perpetual support this incident. If the international law and international system has to survive, international community cannot just sit idle and watch a nation burn. The threat is not just Putin’s unethical intervention of Ukraine, the threat it to the entire establishment of P5 nations that were formed after World War II.

Political Hurdles

The whole idea of intervention is to maintain Moscow’s geostrategic presence in the Black Sea. Russia will not hesitate to expand its political agenda’s by any means, along with vetoing any resolution that pose a threat to her in UNSC.

However, international law considers this action as “military aggression”. Russian armed forces occupied parts of Ukraine, military intervention tactics, violating the UN charter, along with dozens of documents with Moscow’s signature on it. This is one of the most severe interventions a nation has faced since 2nd world war. The situation is critical; and it is a duty of third world nations to assist in this crisis, however apart from third world’s international law approach, no nation’s interest is being violated in the crisis – as the only part that “concerns” is Moscow’s unprecedented dominance over Black Sea. The EU was only trying to open up a Ukrainian market not restructure Russian fleet.

As it is truly said, even cheat coins have two faces. Russia uses the argument “self-determination of peoples is one of the first principles of the United Nations”, during the discussion of this issue.

UNSC could be seen as a potential broker in the conflict therefore should bring both the affected parties on the table as 40 million Ukrainian’s destiny depends on it.

Future Aspects

There are many possible outcomes of this situation as the crisis is intense and escalating as we speak. Some experts fear the possibility of annexation of few more regions, up to and including everything east of the Dnieper, setting a land corridor to Crimea and Transdniester along the borders of Moldova.

Although the more realistic version is the issue becoming a “frozen conflict” like Transdniester, South Ossetia, Northern Cyprus and the Korean War. Frozen conflict is a term that we use to describe a situation that never reaches a solution; it “freezes” in time and slowly consumes the whole nation, creating political instability in the region. Moldova has failed the “independence movement” in the industrial region right after the Soviet fell. As a matter of fact Ukraine’s main industrial regions are the Donetsk and Luhansk which makes this issue more worrying. Like Moldova, it would too hold back the development of Ukraine’s to a first world nation, permanently. The immense resources used in fighting a rebel supported by the neighbouring power, has only one possible outcome.

If UNSC could broker a deal between Kiev and Moscow, there is a possibility of salvaging what left of Ukraine in the crisis and a possibility to develop it a powerhouse in future. To achieve that, UNSC could convince Putin to stop supporting the Novorossiya Armed Forces (NAF) and stop them from “sailing in the same boat”.

Thus UNSC could be seen as a potential broker in the conflict therefore should bring both the affected parties on the table as 40 million Ukrainian’s destiny depends on it.

Russia will veto any resolution that comes in its way.

International Stand

The Western Europe and Others Group (WEOG)

Australia, Luxembourg, United Kingdom, United States, and France comprise together the WEOG group. They are in complete opposition to Russia’s annexation of Crimea.

Latin American Nations (GRULAC)

Argentina is against the Crimean referendum as it sees it as the same argument with the UK’s dominance over Falkland Islands.

Chile generally supports western decisions. Although, Chile voted during the General Assembly resolution, urging member nations not to support Crimean annexation. The nation is highly volatile in support.

Eastern Europe Group

Lithuania is a NATO member and a nation with large Russian- speaking, ethnically Russian minority. However Lithuania supports WEOG group unconditionally.

South Korea, a victim of “frozen conflict” and a member of SEATO, the Pacific NATO, it is expected to side with the US on decisions.

Russia, the main actor is obviously on its side and is involved in numerous back channel communication swaying nations on its side. Russia will veto any resolution that comes in its way. Previously being accused of supporting Assad’s government, Russia will play every trick from the book to maintain its dominance over black sea.

African Group

African nations Rwanda, Chad, and Nigeria generally support the western decisions, although Chinese influence on Rwanda and Chad might emerge a third block, with another set of agenda’s.

Asia and the Pacific

South Korea, a victim of “frozen conflict” and a member of SEATO, the Pacific NATO, it is expected to side with the US on decisions. Jordan a very close ally of the US and role player in other conflicts (when it comes to Syria) it will support the WEOG group. However, it is can switch sides on persuasion and dwelling favours.

China

It will not be wrong to call this largest communist nation a “wild card” in this whole conflict. Might go for abstention or switch sides with its arms dealer Russia. China is not a fan when it comes to “self determination” the argument which is used to describe Crimean issue, as many of its own regions are oppressed. However there are rumours of oil swap between Russia and China, as a result it might take a stance.

New video shows the moment Russian-backed rebels realized they shot down a civilian airliner in eastern Ukraine

The Telegraph
JONATHAN PEARLMAN, THE TELEGRAPH
Jul. 17, 2015, 8:25 AM



The Telegraph/News Corp Australia
Image from the video showing Russian-backed rebels going through bags at the scene of the MH17 crash.


Footage from the MH17 disaster shows Russian-backed rebels handling bodies and rummaging through the bags of dead passengers while expressing shock that the aircraft they brought down was a commercial aircraft.

Describing the footage as "sickening to watch," Julie Bishop, Australia's foreign minister, said it was further evidence that the plane was deliberately targeted by a missile.

"It is certainly consistent with the intelligence advice that we received 12 months ago, that Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 had been shot down by a surface-to-air missile," she told Channel Nine.

"[The victims'] grief is inconsolable and the burden of grieving and then seeing this footage will be almost too much to bear."

The footage appears to be an extended clip from video filmed and released last summer.

The 17 minutes of footage, apparently smuggled out of a rebel base in Ukraine, was released by Sydney's Daily Telegraph on the anniversary of the attack, which left all 298 passengers and crew dead.

The footage shows the uniformed rebels examining the contents of backpacks and collecting phones and other items as they try to find the black box.

The rebels seem surprised that the aircraft was a commercial airliner, not a fighter jet, and can be heard saying "civilians, civilians," and "this is a passenger plane" in Russian.

Tony Abbott, Australia's prime minister, said the video further highlighted that "this was an atrocity; it was in no way an accident."
"They may not have known that they were shooting down a passenger plane, but they were deliberately shooting out of the sky what they knew was a large aircraft," he told ABC News.

"Rebels don't get hold of this kind of weaponry by accident. I mean, this was obviously very sophisticated weaponry. We are confident that it was weaponry that came across the border from Russia, fired, and then shortly thereafter, once it was realized what had happened, went back into Russia."

Australia, Belgium, the Netherlands, Malaysia, and Ukraine have been conducting a criminal investigation into the attack and have asked the United Nations Security Council to establish an international criminal tribunal to try those responsible. Twenty-eight Australian citizens and 10 residents were aboard the plane.
Abbott urged Russian President Vladimir Putin to cooperate with those investigating the attack.

"I am not suggesting that the Russian president knew anything about this in advance," he said. "I suspect, based on my own conversations with him last year, that he is horrified that all of this has happened."

This video fits with accounts of the crash but also sheds new light on the immediate aftermath of the crash.

One fighter I met on the scene the following night said his unit had arrived shortly after the crash expecting to find the wreckage of a Ukrainian military aircraft and described being shocked at what he found.

He also told me they had gone through belongings to look for documents — that appears to fit with this footage — but strongly denied looting.

That fighter, as most others, said he was convinced the Ukrainians had shot down the aircraft, insisting that the separatists had no technology capable of reaching that altitude.

The desperate search for the "black boxes" fits with an intercepted phone call earlier released by the Ukrainian Security Service, which it says is of a prominent separatist commander, Alexander Khodakovsky, instructing his men at the scene to find the flight recorders.



The separatists did recover the black boxes, and they handed them over to a Malaysian delegation in Donetsk on July 21, four days after the crash.

There is also a lot of confusion. The talk about five parachutists, about the pilot "crawling" in Rosipnoye is typical of the chaos and muddled information you get in a war zone, especially in the aftermath of a big event like this.

Often, it turns out to be half-true — the cockpit did come down in Rosipnoye, but the pilots would have been killed instantly. No one would have parachuted out of a civilian aircraft, but the search party was expecting to find military wreckage, and Ukrainian pilots and crew had survived shoot-downs and been captured in the past — so as confused reports come in, they set off to find the "parachutists."

Russian-backed rebels arriving at the scene of the MH17 crash.

Then there is talk about a second aircraft — a Sukhoi jet that supposedly shot down MH17 and was in turn shot down by the separatists:
As far as we know, there was no second shot-down plane — if a Sukhoi had been hit, the wreckage would have been found if not by the fighters, then by the army of journalists who shortly afterward descended on the area.

Three things seem to be going on here:

It could simply be a matter of confusion.

It could be a quickly thought-up excuse, a cover story to tell civilians and journalists to excuse what had happened: the fighters getting their story straight.



But it could also be the quick work of a subconscious mind in denial.

One of the features of the war in Ukraine is the ability of soldiers on either side to perform seemingly impossible feats of double-think in order to convince themselves of their virtue and their opponent's guilt.

To take a depressingly mundane example: Ask a Ukrainian about the shelling of civilians in rebel-held areas, or a rebel about rocket attacks on Ukrainian-held towns, and they'll often tell you — with a straight face — that the enemy attacked themselves as a "provocation."

Often, these are straight out, cynical lies by people who know are guilty. But equally often they appear to be the incredible yet genuinely believed excuses people tell themselves to avoid facing up to uncomfortable truths.

It is that bizarre human ability that has made the lies and propaganda surrounding the war in Ukraine — and the MH17 tragedy — so effective, and deadly.

It looks like active duty Russian soldiers shot down MH17 in eastern Ukraine
Bellingcat
Elliot Higgins, Bellingcat

Dutch investigators and an Emergencies Ministry member work at the site where the downed Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 crashed, near the village of Hrabove (Grabovo) in Donetsk region, eastern Ukraine November 16, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Zmeyev Thomson Reuters
Dutch investigators and an Emergencies Ministry member work at the site where the downed Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 crashed, near the village of Hrabove in Donetsk region

This report summarizes the open source investigations into the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) on July 17, 2014 in Ukraine. It draws on the work of Bellingcat and others who used open source information to uncover facts about the events that took place on July 17 and the origin of the Buk missile launcher that downed MH17.

The Buk Missile Launcher
After the downing of MH17 on July 17, a number of photographs and videos were shared online claiming to show the movements of a Buk missile launcher through separatist-controlled territory. It was possible to confirm the location where each image was recorded and discover additional information that further evidenced when and where the Buk missile launcher was on July 17. The following is an approximate timeline of where the Buk was and when:

10:45 am: Departed Donetsk eastbound along H21
11:00 am – 12:00 pm: Passed Zuhres and Shakhtersk en route to Torez along H21
12:00 pm – 12:45 pm: Entered and then passed through Torez (eastbound)
1:00 pm: Entered Snizhne
1:30 pm – 2:30 pm: Buk was unloaded from the Volvo low-loader truck in Snizhne; left the city (southbound)
4:20 pm: MH17 shot down
Before the first reports and images of the Buk missile launcher were recorded in Donetsk, communications intercepted by the Ukrainian Security Services (SBU) provided information on the earlier movements of the Buk missile launcher. Intercepts include separatists discussing the arrival of the Buk,[1]and references to a location inside Donetsk known as the “Motel.”[2]

The Motel, located in the east of Donetsk and used by separatist forces as a base, is close to locations described in social media postings by Donetsk locals who reported sightings of a Buk missile launcher being transported through the city. These sightings are also close to the location where two images showing a Buk missile launcher being transported on the back of a red low-loader were taken, later published by Paris Match[3] and Bellingcat.[4]

mh 17 bellingcat investigationBellingcat

Paris Match has claimed that the images were taken around 11 am on July 17,[5] and social media posts indicate that the Buk was in Donetsk after 9:40 am. SunCalc shadow analysis by the Ukraine@War blog suggests that the time the photograph was taken was approximately 10 am to 10:15 am.[6]

The next sighting of the Buk was reported from the town of Zuhres, east of Donetsk, in a social media post that included a video[7] of the Buk being transported by a low-loader matching the low-loader photographed by Paris Match in Donetsk. The post also stated the time it was reportedly recorded and the coordinates of the Buk.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 1Bellingcat

The coordinates were confirmed as being correct, and the location was later visited by teams from ARD TV,[8] Correctiv,[9] and 60 Minutes Australia,[10]all of whom confirmed the location was correct.

Just after midday, posts were made on social media sites[11] about a Buk missile launcher being transported through the town of Torez, east of Zuhres, and a photograph of the Buk missile launcher being transported by the same missile low-loader seen in the previous images was posted online several hours later.

This photograph was geolocated to Torez,[12] with the location again confirmed by ARD TV, Correctiv, and 60 Minutes Australia. As with the Donetsk photographs, camouflage netting can be seen covering the missile loaded onto the Buk.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 2Bellingcat

It was also possible to estimate the time the photograph was taken based on the position of the shadows, which showed that the time was around 12:30 pm. Journalists from the Guardian (UK)[13] and Buzzfeed[14] visited the site a few days after July 17 and confirmed this timeframe with locals who had witnessed the Buk missile launcher traveling through the town just after noon.

The next sightings of the Buk missile launcher occurred in the town of Snizhne, east of Torez, after 1 pm. The Buk missile launcher appears in one photograph and one video shared online, which show that it was unloaded from the low-loader and traveling under its own power. Before MH17 was shot down, an AP report[15] was published in which a journalist in Snizhne claimed to have seen a Buk missile launcher in the town after midday.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 3Bellingcat

The video from Snizhne is the last publically known sighting of the Buk missile launcher on July 17. The video shows the Buk missile launcher heading south out of the town[16] toward a large area of farmland with small, scattered settlements. It is from this area that the Buk missile launcher is believed to have fired at MH17 a few hours later.

The Launch Site
As with the movements of the Buk missile launcher, which was last seen traveling south out of Snizhne, there are a number of sources of information that provide insights into the likely launch site of the missile that shot down MH17.

A few hours after MH17 was shot down, a photograph was shared on Twitter[17] claiming to show the smoke trail from the launch of the missile that shot down MH17.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 4Bellingcat

Dutch news outlet RTL Nieuws conducted an interview[18] with the photographer of the white smoke trail in December 2014, and two research organizations, Fox-IT and NIDF, verified the authenticity of the photographs, while two other organizations, NEO and the Delft University of Technology (TU Delft), examined the white smoke trail and geolocated the photographs. Bellingcat and others also geolocated the photographs,[19] and the exact direction from which the smoke originated.

On July 20, 2014, social news agency Storyful shared satellite map imagery[20] taken the same day, which showed areas south of Snizhne, including the road the Buk missile launcher was filmed heading south on three days earlier and the fields at the end of that road. Track marks in those fields were noted by a number of individuals who visited the area, including Roland Oliphant, [21] a reporter with the Daily Telegraph, and Christopher Miller[22]of Mashable.

Oliphant and Miller discovered one field where a corner had been burnt over a wide area. He took a number of photographs, which were subsequently used by the Ukraine@War blog[23] to geolocate the exact location of the field. This geolocation, which has been reviewed and confirmed by the Bellingcat investigation team and personally confirmed by Roland Oliphant, points to a field just south of where the tracks were visible on the July 20, 2014 satellite map imagery.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 5Bellingcat

This location is in line with the smoke seen in the photograph posted on Twitter and verified by experts as authentic.

Digital Globe satellite imagery of the area shows that the burnt/plowed area in the northwest corner of the same field was absent the day before, on July 16, 2014.[24]

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 6Bellingcat

On July 22, 2014, US intelligence officials published a black and white satellite map image[25] depicting what they claimed to be the path of the Buk missile that downed MH17. Although the quality of the US imagery is poor, it was possible to identify the launch site shown.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 7Bellingcat

Using geographical landmarks in the US imagery, it was possible to identify the same landmarks in Google Earth satellite imagery, and from that determine the launch location. The image below shows origin point in the US imagery in relation to the field visited by Oliphant and Miller, which, again, is in line with the smoke in the photograph posted on Twitter.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 8Bellingcat

Locals sharing information on social media in the hours after MH17 was shot down also discussed the launch of a missile from the direction of the field,[26]and an audio recording posted online a few days after July 17 from the Zello[27] chat program, popular in Eastern Ukraine, includes locals discussing the missile launch and the direction it came from, again indicating the same approximate location as the field.

Journalists have also interviewed witnesses in the area who confirmed the launch of a missile from the direction of the field.[28] [29] [30] Locals also claimed they risked retribution from separatists for talking about the missile launch.[31]

The Buk on July 18
On July 18, the Ukrainian Ministry of Interior published a video[32] that was filmed in the separatist-controlled city of Luhansk, close to the Russian border with Ukraine, which they claimed showed a Buk heading toward the Russian border on the morning of July 18 carrying three missiles instead of the usual four.

The Ukrainian Ministry of Interior later published the coordinates of where the video was recorded,[33] which were confirmed by geolocation[34]and by news organizations visiting the site, including 60 Minutes Australia and Correctiv. As with the images of the Buk missile launcher being transported on July 17, the same truck and low-loader is being used to transport the missile launcher in the July 18 video.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 9Bellingcat
Clockwise from top left – Donetsk, Zuhres, Luhansk, Torez.

The owner of the truck was contacted by various news organizations[35] using the phone number visible in the Donetsk photograph. He claimed his vehicle yard had been taken over by separatists (the location of which was confirmed to be in Donetsk) and stated, “It is easy to recognize. We know our vehicles. Yes, it is ours, it is the only Volvo with such a cabin.”[36] Satellite imagery from 11:08 am on July 17, 2014 shows the low-loader was absent from the vehicle yard, while in imagery before and after July 17 the low-loader and truck was visible.[37]

The Joint Investigation Team[38] investigating the downing of MH17 included the route of the Buk on July 17 and the July 18 Luhansk sighting as part of a video[39] asking witnesses to come forward. It also published three SBU intercepts that had not been previously released.

The intercepts included two discussions about the Buk missile launcher on July 18, recorded around 8:00 am and 8:20 am, a few hours after the Luhansk video was filmed. It was claimed by individuals in the recordings that the Buk and transport vehicles were both in Russia. Given the distance to the Russian border from the location where the Luhansk video was filmed, there would have been ample time for the Buk to have been transported across the border into Russia before 8:00 am on July 18.

The Buk’s Origins in Russia
During a review of photographs and videos shared online of Buk missile launchers in Ukraine and Russia, it was discovered that one particular Buk missile launcher seen in Russia in late June had features that matched those visible in the two photographs of the Buk missile launcher in Donetsk published by Paris Match.

The Buk seen in Russia was dubbed “3×2” due to an obscured number on the side of the vehicle (as is the case with the ID numbers of many of the vehicles transported from Russia to Ukraine). The remaining parts of the numbers of the Buk photographed by Paris Match as well as the loading markings and white paint on the rubber side skirt below those numbers were in exactly the same position.


A burn mark above the exhaust visible in one of the Paris Match photographs was also in exactly the same position as the one seen on Buk 3×2 in Russia. While all of these pieces of evidence seemed to indicate that the Buk in Ukraine and Buk 3×2 were one and the same, an additional piece of evidence made the case particularly compelling. During Bellingcat’s research[40] into the many Buk sightings, it became clear that the rubber side skirt above the tracks of Buk missile launchers can become damaged over time and that this damage creates a unique “fingerprint” allowing different Buk photographs to be matched. I

n the case of Buk 3×2 and the Buk photograph by Paris Match in Donetsk, the side skirts were nearly identical.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 10Bellingcat

However, there was one major discrepancy. A kink in the side skirt, visible around two-thirds of the way from the left, did not match. This could be explained two ways: either the side skirt was different, or the process of flattening the Donetsk image to compare to the Buk 3×2 image was unable to factor in significant three-dimensional damage to the skirt. Additional images of Buk 3×2 in Russia confirmed that there was in fact a large tear in the side skirt, bending it outward in exactly the same position as the discrepancy in the comparison.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 11Bellingcat

Comparisons were also made between the Donetsk Buk and other images of Buk missile launchers from Russia and Ukraine. None of the other Buk missile launcher images came close to matching Buk 3×2, and it was therefore concluded there was a very high probability that Buk 3×2, photographed and filmed in Russia, was the same Buk photographed and filmed in Ukraine on July 17, 2014.

Tracking Buk 3×2 in Russia
Buk 3×2 was identified as being part of a military convoy that travelled from Kursk to Millerovo, Russia, between June 23 and June 25. Multiple photographs and videos of the convoy, shared online by Russian civilians who lived along the convoy’s route, were identified. Each image was geolocated to the exact location it was recorded, providing an accurate representation of the route that the convoy traveled.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 12Bellingcat

It was possible to identify the 53rd Air Defense Brigade, based outside of Kursk, as the origin of the convoy, along with details of which members and units of the 53rd Brigade were part of the convoy. Furthermore, Bellingcat’s research into the convoy identified the military transport battalions involved in the convoy, including the identities of four individuals who could have driven the vehicle transporting Buk 3×2.[41] The information published on Bellingcat, and additional unpublished information, has been provided to the Joint Investigation Team investigating the downing of MH17.

The 53rd Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade
The 53rd Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade was originally linked to Buk 3×2 by matching vehicles present in the June 23 – 25 convoy with vehicles visible in photographs taken by members of the 53rd Brigade at their base near Kursk.[42] Bellingcat has spent the last year investigating the 53rd Brigade.

With over 200 soldiers’ social media profiles identified, it was possible to confirm the identity and roles of many members of the 53rd Brigade and their involvement in the June convoy that transported Buk 3×2. Due to the sensitivity of much of this information, Bellingcat is currently only sharing the majority of the research with the Joint Investigation Team. That said, the following information can be published.

The 53rd Brigade is made up of three battalions: the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd. The 1stand 2nd Battalions were active in the summer of 2014, while the 3rd Battalion was used for training students and conscripts. The organizational structure of the 53rd Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade is shown below:

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 13Bellingcat

Videos of the June 23 – 25 convoy show that it contained a complete Buk battalion, with all but two vehicles coming from the 2nd Battalion. Those two vehicles – one of which was Buk 3×2 – originated from the 3rd Battalion. It is also clear that only one Snow Drift radar was part of the convoy, which may answer the question as to why Buk 3×2 was deployed without a Snow Drift radar.

With only one available to the battalion, it would make sense to leave the Snow Drift radar with the other Buk missile launchers that were part of the battalion, rather than depriving all those units of a Snow Drift radar.

Alternative Theories – The Russian MoD’s July 21 Press Conference
On July 21, 2014 the Russian Ministry of Defense gave an hour-long press conference[43] in which they presented their evidence[44] of who may have been responsible for the attack.

The press conference made four main claims:

The video published by the Ukrainian Ministry of Interior showing a Buk in separatist-controlled Luhansk was in fact filmed in government-controlled territory in another town.
MH17 significantly changed course just before being shot down.
Radar imagery shows an aircraft close to MH17 shortly after it was shot down.
Satellite imagery shows Ukrainian Buk missile launchers deployed outside of their base on July 17 in Eastern Ukraine.
Since the July 21 press conference, it has been possible to establish that all four claims were false, and, in some cases, involved the Russian Ministry of Defense producing fabricated evidence to support their claims.

The Luhansk Video
Following the downing of Flight MH17 the Ukrainian Ministry of Interior published a video that was filmed in the separatist-controlled city of Luhansk, close to the Russian border with Ukraine, which they claimed showed a Buk, carrying three missiles instead of the usual four, heading toward the Russian border on the morning of July 18.

In the Russian Ministry of Defense’s July 21 press conference, they claimed[45]that the video had actually been filmed in a government-controlled area:

For example, media circulated a video supposedly showing a Buk system being moved from Ukraine to Russia. This is clearly a fabrication. This video was made in the town of Krasnoarmeisk, as evidenced by the billboard you see in the background, advertising a car dealership at 34 Dnepropetrovsk Street. Krasnoarmeisk has been controlled by the Ukrainian military since May 11.

To support this claim, they provided an image of the billboard visible in the video along with what they claimed the line of text read.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 14Bellingcat

However, it was possible to establish the true location the video was filmed using open source investigation techniques,[46] which confirmed the billboard’s exact location in separatist-controlled Luhansk. This location was visited by a Luhansk local who took photographs of the area which both helped confirm the location, and what was written on the billboard.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 15Bellingcat

It is clear that not only was the location claimed by the Russian Ministry of Defense incorrect, but the billboard’s text is very different from the text the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed was on the billboard.

MH17’s Significant Course Change
The Russian Ministry of Defense presented the following image during the press conference, claiming that MH17 had significantly diverted from its course:

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 16Bellingcat

The Russian Ministry of Defense stated that:

On the scheme you can see the international airway. The Boeing-777 was supposed to fly on this airway. Draw your attention to the fact that the aircraft followed inside the specified air-corridor to Donetsk, then it deviated from the route to north. Meanwhile the maximum distance from the left border of the air-corridor was 14 kilometers. Then we can see that the Boeing-777 turned back to the borders of the specified air-corridor.

Nevertheless Malaysian aircrew didn’t succeed the maneuver. At 17.20 we entered the event of the aircraft rate reduction, at 17.23 the aircraft’s point blinked off on the radar. Why did the aircraft cross the border of the air-corridor? Was it the navigation mistake, or the aircrew followed the Dnepropetrovsk ground control orders? We will find the answers after “black boxes” and communication decoding

The preliminary Dutch Safety Board report[47] answered the questions that the Russian Ministry of Defense asked, showing that MH17 had been on an entirely different course than that which was claimed by the Russian Ministry of Defense and had not changed course in the way described in the Russian Ministry of Defense’s imagery.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 17Bellingcat

Russia’s Radar Data
The Russian Ministry of Defense also presented radar data showing MH17 and claimed “Russian system of air control detected the Ukrainian Air Force aircraft, purposed Su-25, moving upwards toward to the Malaysian Boeing-777. The distance between aircrafts was 3-5 kilometers.” Chief of Staff of the Air Force Lieutenant-General Igor Makushev was then invited to comment on the radar data.

At 17.20 P.M. at the distance of 51 kilometers from the Russian Federation state boundary and the azimuth of 300 degrees the aircraft started to lose its speed obstructively which is quite distinctively to be seen on the table of the aircraft characteristics. At 17.21 35 seconds P.M. with the aircraft speed of 200 km/h at the point of the Boeing crash there is a new mark of the aircraft to be seen. The aircraft was steadily monitored by radar stations of Ust-Donetsk and Butirinskoe during 4 minutes period.

Air control officer having enquired the characteristics of newly appeared aircraft couldn’t possibly get them because it is in all likelihood that the aircraft had no secondary deduction system amounted on it, which is put typically for military aircraft. The early detection of this aircraft appeared to be quite impossible because the air situation control is usually performed by radars working in a standby mode which detection possibilities at the given distance are over 5000 m altitude.

The detection of the aircraft turned out to be possible as the aircraft ascend it.

However, radar experts were interviewed by a number of news organizations who gave a different opinion, with Dutch NOS news asking four experts to give their opinions.[48] Comments included, “it is really impossible for [it to be] a fighter,” “no aircraft was in the vicinity of flight MH17,″ “it seems likely that the signals are the wreckage of MH17,″ and “falling debris are the most likely explanation.”

Russian Satellite Imagery
Russia also presented sets of satellite imagery showing three different locations, including two military bases and a field outside the town of Zaroshchens’ke. At one military base, the 1428, it was claimed that images from July 14 and July 17 showed that a Buk missile launcher had moved from the base on July 17.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 18Bellingcat

However, comparisons of an image from the satellite company Digital Globe of the same location on July 17[49] show a number of clear discrepancies. For example, large areas of vegetation visible in the July 14 Ministry of Defense images were absent from the July 17 Digital Globe image.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 19Bellingcat

Historical satellite imagery of the same location from July 2 and 21 of the same area on Google Earth confirms that the vegetation had been cleared weeks before July 17.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 20Bellingcat

Patches of worn-away grass visible in the Russian Ministry of Defense imagery were also absent in the Digital Globe July 17 imagery.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 21Bellingcat

But, as with some of the other discrepancies between the images, the patches of missing grass were visible in earlier historical imagery on Google Earth, clearly showing the Russian Ministry of Defense images were from weeks before MH17 was shot down.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 22Bellingcat

After publishing these images, it was discovered that the same satellite imagery had been published by the SBU in July 2014. The Russian Ministry of Defense responded by claiming that the SBU was presenting falsified images.[50] However, it is clear that the SBU images are genuine (although with the RGB color channels inverted to BGR for an unknown reason), and that the Russian Ministry of Defense presented and defended images that are purposefully dated incorrectly.

Alternative Theories – The Almaz-Antey Press Conference
On June 2, 2015 Russian arms manufacturer Almaz-Antey presented evidence claiming to show the specific type of missile used to shoot down MH17 in Ukraine. They were quoted as stating:[51]

If a surface-to-air missile system was used [to hit the plane], it could only have been a 9M38M1 missile of the BUK-M1 system.

They went on to add:

Production of BUK-M1 missiles was discontinued in 1999, at the same time Russia passed all such missiles that were left to international clients.

The clear implication was that the Buk missile used to shoot down MH17 could have not come from Russia. The most obvious visual difference between the 9M38M1 missile, and the newer 9M317 is the length of the fins, with the 9M38M1 having longer fins, as visible below.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 23Bellingcat

Despite these longer fins being visible on Buk missiles loaded onto launchers at Russia’s Victory Day Parade in Chita,[52] the Almaz-Antey’s head, Yan Novikov claimed “that only the newer BUK-M2 systems with 9M317 missiles take part in modern parades,” adding, “even an untrained eye can tell the two apart.” Despite this claim, internet users came across numerous images of what seemed to be 9M38M1 missiles in military service.[53]

Reuters’ photographs[54] taken on a road near Kamensk-Shakhtinsky, dated August 16, 2014, shows Russian military vehicles heading toward the town, close to the Ukrainian border. Trucks in the photographs are carrying a number of missile crates, and their markings give a clear indication of their likely contents.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 24Bellingcat

These crates are marked 9M38M1, and it was also possible to identity two vehicles in the Reuters’ photographs as being part of the June 23 – 25 53rdBrigade convoy transporting Buk 3×2 to Millerovo.[55] It is also possible to identify missiles in videos of the 53rd Brigade convoy as having the long tail fins associated with the 9M38M1 missile.[56]

Almaz-Antey also claimed that, based on their research, the launch site of the missile that shot down Flight MH17 was near the town of Zaroshchens’ke, 20 km west of the proposed launch site near Snizhe. Interestingly, the area highlighted as the possible launch area by Almaz-Antey includes an area the Russian Ministry of Defense included in their debunked satellite imagery, highlighted in red below.

mh 17 bellingcat investigation 25Bellingcat

Analysis of satellite imagery and battlefield reports indicates this area was under the control of separatist forces on July 17, 2014,[57] and Novaya Gazeta[58] and Correctiv[59] also interviewed locals who stated that they saw no signs of missile launches or Buk missile launchers on July 17, 2014.

Unlike the social media activity related to the Snizhne launch site, the Bellingcat investigation team has been unable to find any social media activity related to missile launches from the Zaroshchens’ke area.

Summary
Based on the information above, it can be concluded that on July 17, 2014 a Buk missile launcher, originating from the 53rd Brigade near Kursk, Russia, travelled from Donetsk to Snizhne. It was then unloaded and drove under its own power to a field south of Snizhne, where at approximately 4:20 pm it launched a surface-to-air missile that hit Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 as it flew over Ukraine. On the morning of July 18, the Buk missile launcher was driven from Luhansk, Ukraine, across the border to Russia.

Alternative scenarios presented by the Russian Ministry of Defense and Almaz-Antey are at best deeply flawed, and at worst show a deliberate attempt to mislead using fabricated evidence.

Read the original article on Bellingcat. Copyright 2015. Follow Bellingcat on Twitter.

Ukraine Needs a Reboot

The government in Kiev has reached a dead end. It’s time for a new start.
BY SERGII LESHCHENKOFEBRUARY 12, 2016 - 4:00 PMfacebooktwittergoogle-plusredditemail
Ukraine Needs a Reboot
Ukraine is approaching a critical moment. A great deal has been achieved in the two years since the Euromaidan uprising — now known as the Revolution of Dignity — overthrew the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych. In its wake, voters chose a parliament and a president who were publicly committed to democracy, the rule of law, and the fight against corruption. Civil society, once subdued, has become a vocal and active player in everyday life. Our military managed to stave off defeat and hold its own against the Russian-sponsored separatist revolt in the East.

Yet the hope for change is fading fast. The current government led by Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk has confronted the challenge of entrenched corruption — and failed. Last week a leading reformer, Economy and Trade Minister Aivaras Abromavicius, tendered his resignation, citing efforts by a well-connected businessman and politician who was trying to wield control over the ministry. Abromavicius was only the latest in a string of leading reformers, some of them from outside Ukraine, who have been frustrated in their efforts to push through the urgently needed changes that will finally transform the country into a truly European state.

Public morale has hit a new low.Public morale has hit a new low. In a recent poll, 82 percent of those surveyed disapproved of the current cabinet; 70 percent said the same of President Petro Poroshenko. The economy is in terrible shape. Entire industries are stagnating, and our currency, the hryvnia, has once again plunged in value in recent weeks. Petty corruption remains widespread, while public services are spotty at best. Citizens have watched politically influential businessmen expand their business empires by leveraging their access to the corridors of power.

One of those businessmen is Ihor Kononenko, who was a junior partner in Poroshenko’s business empire but also holds a seat in parliament and unofficially runs the president’s political party. Kononenko’s overlapping roles in politics and business have emerged in sharp relief during the latest scandal, when Abromavicius, the outgoing minister, revealed that the tycoon had maneuvered to place one of his own aides in a position in the ministry department that oversees some of Kononenko’s key businesses. (I subsequently helped to publish a series of messages exchanged between Abromavicius and the Kononenko aide that fleshed out the allegations.)

The law enforcement authorities — above all the General Prosecutor’s Office, a Soviet-era holdover that many here regard as one of the country’s most powerful bodies — have refused to pursue several high-profile criminal cases, further exasperating the public and deepening the crisis of confidence in state our state institutions. Last month, President Poroshenko publicly refused to fire General Prosecutor Viktor Shokin, who has become the focus of intense public anger for his lack of action on corruption. Poroshenko justified his decision by saying that a planned new anti-corruption bureau will have the job of handling controversial cases, thus relieving Shokin’s agency of that responsibility (and the power that goes with it). It should come as little surprise that most Ukrainians regarded this explanation with skepticism.

The resignation of Abromavicius has brought these issues into the open more clearly than ever before. It is now clear that the government cannot go on as before; allowing it to continue in its present form will merely deepen the sense of malaise and gridlock as Ukrainians clamor for change. At the same time, going back to the drawing board by calling a new election is also a bad idea. That would plunge the whole system into a fresh crisis and postpone a whole series of urgently needed decisions — at a moment when the International Monetary Fund appears increasingly reluctant to release a $40 billion aid package for Ukraine due to our deepening political turmoil.

What Ukraine needs instead is a reset — a wholesale change in the composition of the current government. Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, who has demonstrated his lack of willingness to tackle corruption at the highest levels, should go.Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, who has demonstrated his lack of willingness to tackle corruption at the highest levels, should go. General Prosecutor Shokin should also resign. Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, who is responsible for the police and internal security, and who recently made headlines by getting into a fight with ex-Georgian-president-turned-Ukrainian-reformer Mikheil Saakashvili, should also be compelled to step down.

Avakov is a shrewd and immensely powerful politician who also boasts close ties to some of the country’s volunteer military battalions, so dislodging him might prove a challenge for the president. But it’s important to remember that Ukrainians voted overwhelmingly for Poroshenko in the 2014 presidential elections precisely because they wanted to make a clean break with the sort of old-school politics that people like Avakov embody. No one voted for Avakov.

Support from the West could make a big difference. Right now our partners in Washington and Brussels are urging us to patch over our differences and get on with the work of reform. This advice is well intentioned but wrong. Sticking with the government in its current form, which has demonstrated its incapacity to stand up to those who exemplify the old ways, will merely prolong the crisis. What we need instead is to lance the boil, to take dramatic action to restore momentum towards change.What we need instead is to lance the boil, to take dramatic action to restore momentum towards change.

As a member of the Ukrainian parliament, I had the great privilege to be sitting in the audience when U.S. Vice President Joe Biden gave a historic speech to lawmakers there during his visit to Kiev in December. He warned us that “the cancer of corruption” is irreconcilable with the spirit of true democracy, and urged us to intensify the fight against it — specifically mentioning the need to reform the General Prosecutor’s Office and establish powerful anti-corruption agencies. Now Ukrainians need him and President Obama to show that they were serious about that message.

I and other Ukrainians of the younger generation ran for election to parliament two years ago because we saw a crucial opportunity to push our country forward to the kind of change it so urgently needs. I know that many of my colleagues — and many of the people who voted for us — are losing faith. But I firmly believe that we can still change our country for the better. The time to act is now.

In the photo, a legislator carries prime minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk away from the podium during a parliamentary session on December 11, 2015 in Kiev.


Photo credit: SERGEI SUPINSKY/AFP/Getty Images
http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/02/12/ukraine-needs-a-reboot/